TAPAO: Targeted Area Poverty Alleviation Objectives

12/03/2023

1] The ECONOMY SPREAD

After 6-decade plus in “economic development “, the state of a nation is still mired in poverty stretching from north and northeast semanjung across the South China Sea to the Borneo states of Sarawak and Sabah:

Indeed, the poverty rate in Sabah in 2020 was the highest in the nation – more than three times the national average. That 36 percent of all those living in poverty in Malaysia are located in Sabah only emphasized the development of a underdevelopment in a natural resource-rich state with oil and timber. Sabah had a gross domestic product per capita of RM5,745, compared with the national average of RM7,901, (read csloh ,   Sabah – a state underdeveloped).

By 2019, many districts in the Sabah state were in poverty rates in excess of 50 percent.

As an instance, the poverty rate in Tongod stood at about 57 percent in 2019, around 10 times the national average.

Even within an urban setting, in the study,  Children Without – A study of urban child poverty and deprivation in low-cost flats in Kuala Lumpur,   UNICEF  unearthed:

When we have 70% of lower-income households  that cannot even meet monthly basic needs – indeed, at least 86% of these urban households reported having no savings at all – not much of a difference between them and their rural community folks:

At the macro-level, the country is in a slow growth regime

where any incremental growth will depend less on factor accumulation, but more on raising productivity – which over the past 25 years has been below that of several regional comparators – to sustain higher potential growth.

Coupled with the premature de-industrialisation in the 1990s – where 40% of work force are contributing, directly and indirectly, to the manufacturing exports sector then – it is not surprising that the poverty rate has not only risen, but disparity has accentuated

2] The TAPAO

The targeted area-based poverty alleviation objectives (TAPAO) are to adopt instruments from nationwide approaches to provide basic relief to broaden targeted interventions regionally; followed by more narrowly focused programs for poor district areas, daerah², and villages kampung²; and finally with measured activities targeting specific poor households directly.

Concurrently, to be successful – maintainable and sustainable – the coverage of social protection programs have to be rapidly expanded, too.

Briefly, this area-based development-oriented poverty alleviation efforts have to be structured with a national-wide Poverty Reduction and Extra-Developmental Initiative Schema (PRAXIS) as the immediate response to lagging economic growth and stagnating incomes in the identified areas of the country. Whether a State Economic Development Corporation’s Poverty Reduction and Development group is to be established “to provide coherence to a large number of poverty reduction initiatives and, in particular, expedite economic development in poor areas” (as advised by World Bank 2009, for another country) or that The PRAXIS shall identify poor daerah, primarily based on district-level average rural per capita income that must also focus on the mountainous hinterlands of the country, especially in Sarawak and Sabah.

Refining the geographical target of poverty reduction programs is a necessity. The TAPAO needs to shift from daerah² to kampung² including more likely
some outside the list of poverty-stricken daerah, too. Collectively, those designated kampung² (villages) may cover
a certain high percent of the country’s rural poor. Designated villages could then apply for projects to support local production and infrastructure (including makanan-dengan-kerja programs, worker training,
and agribusiness development comprising technology extension services; not to be neglected, government-linked investments in social infrastructure (schools, clinics, community and recreation centers), with a particular strong participatory gotong-royong approach.

Whatever the developmental programs to be formulated, development of farm
activities and off-farm employment opportunities (funded with subsidized loans); infrastructure
development in roads, electricity, and safe drinking water using predominantly rural workers on the basis of
food-with-work (makanan dengan kerja); a comprehensive universalisation of primary education and basic preventive and curative health care that is community-based; establishment of a monitoring system – very importantly – to hold local personnel in governance accountable for the use of budgetary transactions; and the mobilization of a broad group of government and nongovernment
actors in a joint poverty reduction effort.

Poverty is one of the key factors of education inequality in the country, (World Bank, 2022; and World Bank,2019). On top of the disadvantages of the rural urban disparity, students in rural communities tend to come from a lower socioeconomic class as compared to their urban counterparts; and these inadequacies permeated across states, too, where in Sabah and Sarawak there are high numbers of children between 5 and 19 years old who have no schooling


3] THE STRATEGIC WRAPPING

The targeted poverty alleviation strategy should be aimed to help all of the poverty poors to achieve incomes above the national income poverty line and meet a set of multidimensional goals.

The strategy should span the arching process from poverty identification to poverty exit, determining whom to help, who should help, how to help, how to exit, and how to avoid poverty reoccurrence.

The strategy has to be based on a comprehensive database of targeted households and their specific needs, complemented with local knowledge to find appropriate solutions, and importantly, from past experience in odious practices, the definition of clear lines of accountability for optimal results.

It needs to be said that instruments that should be deployed would include policies for economic development and income generation, relocation and resettlement, ecological protection and ecology disasters compensation, education, and social protection. The overall strategical aspects would overall remained focused on creating the conditions for poor households to find employment and a stable source of income to lift themselves out of poverty, while combining this with household-specific support in key areas such as rural settlements and urban housing, skills enhancement and development, health care, job search, and where necessary, income transfers including unit-trust investments and savings.


The identification of poor households would be that of an integrated top-down and bottom-up approaches. The top-down approach included the Department of Statistics, Malaysia (DoSM) – whose dataset would determine “numerical quotas” of poor households, both nationwide and in each daerah-district refering to the 2022 national poverty census as a baseline for bottom-up identification. The quota parameters should be broken down to each administrative level. Under the bottom-up approach, civil service officials and student-recruited census interviewers are to be dispatched to carry out precise poverty identification data collection.

On the basis of the quota allocated, each team registered every poor household regardless of whether they live in the poor district or daerah.

It has to be stated that notably, household income ceased to be the only criterion for identification. At times, most of the time, local government officials often do not have accurate and reliable income records for all rural households, thus they can adopt a different criteria such as verifying household assets like home and durable goods utilised to supplement the income-based poverty line.

Further, to include all qualified households, individual districts may be allowed to register up to 10 percent larger populations than their numerical quotas to obtain a better baseline.


The implementation of the strategy may not likely be smooth. Errors of inclusion (households identified as poor that did not need assistance) and exclusion (poor households that failed to receive adequate support) resulting from governance weaknesses in rural areas and mountain hinterlands may likely emerge, given the lack of reliable income survey data at the kampung-village level. This may eventually lead to additional verifications and the reidentification of poor households, as well as close supervision of declared “exits” from poverty.

It has to be further stated that local grass-root feedbacks may have to be created to support top-down accountability, too.

4] THE TAKEOUTS

TAPAO is appealingly appetising, but

A) TAPAO can only be tastefully successful if a nation is truly endowed with a “capable and  effective government” (Bikales 2021; Ravallion 2009), as reflected in the ability to articulate credible policy commitments, to effectively coordinate decisions by various government departments, and to mobilize a variety of social actors to support a national goal.

It is acknowledged that a capable, credible, and committed government is key to the success of development strategies. The 2017 World  Development Report (World Bank 2017) identifies the core functions of effective governance to draw lessons for development. Its main message is that effective governance institutions deliver three core functions: credible commitment, enhancing coordination, and inducing cooperation. 

All three core functions were present in the design and implementation of China’s poverty reduction efforts, which represents an interesting case study of effective governance, (World Bank and DRC 2019).

First, the credibility of the government’s commitment to poverty reduction has to be flagged early on, with clearly defined targets and the creation of an entity like the Poverty Reduction and Extra-Developmental Initiative Schema (PRAXIS) to supervise progress and establish accountability at the highest level.

When, during this early process, if it becomes clear that economic growth alone would not suffice to reach the last mile of poverty reduction, there has to be a positive feedback in the form of learning, unlearning, relearning education (to LURE back dissidents or disruptive elements, whether in the targeted area-base residents or from governing civil servants).

Then, secondly, the Poverty Reduction and Extra-Developmental Initiative Schema (PRAXIS) coordinating supremo has to consolidate all federal ministries and departments,  reflecting the importance placed on interdepartmental coordination and collaboration, though it is also preferable that local district officials are given wide latitude to experiment, and indeed, compete with each other.

PRAXIS, for instance, should embrace the quintuple helix approach where the State district officers mobilise the vital five subsystems (helices):

(1) education system,

(2) economic system

(3) natural environment,

(4) civil society

(5) and the political system

to not only articulating the objectives but also the inter-linkages in process, procedure and people elements in TAPAO deliverance.

Thirdly, through this defined administrative procedures, reward and accountability mechanisms, with a strong performance management system, shall ensure that civil servants aligned personal goals with central priorities on one hand and career promotion dependent on their performance in achieving predefined outcomes (for example, economic  advancement, social stability, or poverty reduction). 

Everyone at all levels, state and privately owned enterprises, academic institutions, and others – all these stakeholders though encouraged to make substantial financial and human resource contributions to the poverty reduction as an essential Rukun Negara patriotic national objectives – may not, however, raise to the tasks in hand.

Whether our civil servants would also be able to raise to a Madani Malaysia occasion is yet to be determined because this public sector is well-known for its lackadaisical attitude and inefficient performance as identified and elaborated in STORM 2022, Place Position Power; and reported in a World Bank study:

The elements constraining effort on improving public sector performance centre on administrative human-resource incapacity, a broadbase corruptive regime with burden of privileges mentality, a lost community soul living in a society laced with serial systemic odious practices, including money-laundering.

B) Infrastructural achievement has to be matched by considerable improvements in access to public infrastructure services, especially in the construction – and, later the maintenance thereon – of rural roads leading to poor areas. The construction of better access routes shall help in the irrigation and drainage facilities in poor areas, too, besides expanding on flood control and  mitigation capabilities.

These aspects were clearly noticeable at the initial implementation of pioneer FELDA schemes which deteriorated once corporate capital intrusion and migrant labour influx into the plantations, (see STORM 2023, Big Money Big Farms; and STORM 2020, From FELDA to FGV.

Importantly, the electronic roads – whether fibre optics and or 5G connectivity – onto the internet highways should not be ignored, (though, conscious of their retarding and degrading dimensions, (see STORM 2023, Digitalisation an Economy: short-circuiting the rakyat).

On the other hand, it has to be accepted that institutional innovations for targeted poverty alleviation have boosted by digital technologies for better efficiency, as in the advice by World Bank to Brazil on Bridging the Technological Divides.

Digital technologies have facilitated poverty targeting and also contributed to improving the connectivity of poor households to markets through e-commerce and facilitation of access to finance through new digital finance platforms as broadly demonstrated in China ability to eliminate poverty within a generation.

The Kerala “hop-step-jump” experience is another such success story whereby significant step with Vellanad village becoming the first fully computerised grama panchayat in India.

C) Fundings – dividends from Petronas, Khazanah, GLICs – whether would be able to boost a national economy and enlarge people’s incomes are not questionable. Nor would a new sovereign fund board be formed to debt service economic development towards a progressive growth path.

The evidence presented in all global studies where readily available financial resources points to significant positive spillover effects for all sectors of the economy and for poverty reduction. However, there may be significant service gaps remaining in specific rural areas, and within high-density residence on urban settings – particularly with respect to children health care and education services, (see. UNICEF 2022, Children Without).

Further, it has to be said that any political bias in local government incentives toward  investments in hard infrastructure to boost growth and the reliance on special purpose  vehicles arguably could perpetuate a misallocation of fiscal resources that could be costly in the long term (World Bank and DRC 2019).

Once an inclusive development path is followed and the implications for poverty reduction and socio-economic policies are adhering to the central core of social idealism of economic development with Malaysian characteristics – then, TAPAO is consumed, satisfactorily.

 EPILOGUE

TAPAO to be successful has to adopt and adapt to a whole-of-government and whole-of-society approach that would induce cooperation and collaboration across government  and nongovernment stakeholders.

Without better governance, and mass participation by rakyat-rakyat, any goal of ending extreme poverty and boosting shared prosperity will be out of reach.

The praxis of economic development should be evidenced by clear insight, determination and endeavour of rakyat-rakyat agitating with agility for a shared prosperity in a common wealth of a nation carrying forward the core values of all mankind.


References

Bikales, B. 2021. Reflection on Poverty Reduction in China. Swiss Agency for Development Cooperation, Bern.

Khazanah Research Institute, 2018, State of Households II.

Ravallion, Martin, 2009, Are There Lessons for Africa from China’s Success against Poverty, World Development 37(2).303-31.

Ravallion, Martin, 2011, A Comparative Perspective and Poverty Reduction in Brazil, China, and India. World Bank Research Observer 26 (1): 71-104.

STORM, 23/02/2023, Towards structuring economic development with sustainability

UNICEF Children – Without

World Bank and DRC (Development Research Centre of the State Council). 2019. Innovative China: New Drivers of Growth. Washington, DC: World Bank.


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Monopoly-capital Agribusiness scythes EcoFood Security

There is an agricultural and food production ecosystem that is inefficient, environmentally unsustainable and inequitable to every rakyat-rakyat in the country.

In 2021, the share of agriculture in Malaysia’s gross domestic product amounted to only 9.59 percent, manufacturing sector contributed approximately 37.76 percent and the services sector with financialisation capitalism dominates at 51.55 percent.

1 INTRODUCTION

Malaysia’s agricultural sector is strongly biased towards large-scale agriculture. The estate (plantation) sector is predominantly a producer of oil palm and rubber accounting for 60% of the country’s agricultural area. These estates are big – each individual unit commonly covering 2,000-10,000 hectares. Just in terms of national land occuptaion alone, oil palm planted area stood at 2.7 million hectares (ha) at the end of 2020, which is more than 20 percent of its land area. Therefore, fertile land in Malaysia that could be used to grow food is planted with palm oil to ‘feed’ the Global North need from cosmetics and as cooking oil to lubricants or as a biofuel, whilst the devils milk latex is oozed out of rubber trees to make tyres and gloves for the cosmopolitan western countries.

The country has so much land with a small population of +33 million compared with our ASEAN neighbours, and yet we have to import over RM$60 billion in food commodities annually to feed the nation. The farmers in the highly productive Bertam Valley in the Cameron Highlands would prefer to grow chrysanthemums for the Japanese market as they are a more valuable crop than vegetables for local consumption.

2 PLANTATION CAPITALISM

The land development schemes, started by the Federal Land Development Authority (FELDA), is managed like a feudal land-owner than as a co-operative, occupying 21% of the land.

Over 60% of land area is devoted to two main crops neither of which provides anything in the provision of daily food consumption for the Malaysian population. 

The remaining 40% is managed by family households on independent smallholdings of less than 2 hectares in size, and not all of these lands are used for farming – only 7.8 million hectares, according to the Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO).

Though agriculture makes up 9% GDP and employs only 4% of the workforce, the surplus value of processed oilpalms and rubber is not accounted for rakyat2 consumption. Exports of natural rubber from Malaysia were valued at 1.1 billion U.S. dollars in 2021. Malaysia accounted for some 6.5 percent of global natural rubber sales that year, becoming the fifth largest exporter worldwide; in 2022, the export value of palm oil and palm-based products from Malaysia was valued at approximately  RM$137.89 billion.

During the British ‘forward movement’ of colonialism in the 1870s, the adoption of industrial farming transformed rolls of rubber sheets into pneumatic tyres or similar rubberized end-products in Dickensian-like factories in the United Kingdom, but enslaved migrant labour in her colonies. The indentured and kangani-recruited but marginalised South Indian plantation workers eventually became those Malayan “orphans of empire”.

By late twentieth century, industrial capitalism has not changed, but evolved into globalized capitalism that increasingly adopted a system of interlinked commodity chains controlled by transnational corporations, connecting diversified production zones, primarily in the Global South, with the high point of world finamce, consumption and capital accumulation mainly in the Global North. These commodity chains constitute primarily the circuits of capital globally that is identified as late imperialism with the rise of generalized monopoly-finance capital, see John Bellamy Foster, “Late Imperialism,” Monthly Review 71, no. 3 (July–August 2019): 1–19; Samir AminModern Imperialism, Monopoly Finance.

Under this financial monopoly capitalism system, exorbitant imperial rents from the control of global production are obtained not only from the global labor arbitrage, through which (TNCs) transnational corporations with their headquarters in the Global North overexploit industrial labour in the periphery, but also increasingly through the global land arbitrage, in which agribusiness multinationals expropriate cheap land (besides labour) in the Global South so as to produce export crops mainly for sale in the Global North, see Intan Suwandi, Value Chains  (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2019), 32–33, 53–54; and STORM, Big Money, Big Farms, 2023).

3 Big Farms Little Gains

The country’s high stake in the agribusiness is dependent on monopoly-capital accumulation in oil palms and rubber extractive productions. Whereas, the agri-food entities planting cocoa, pineapples, coconuts and sugarcanes have sole entrepreneurship and state ownership, and are domestic market-oriented. 

A preliminary casual assessment on the challenges of these production ecosystem would include:

(i) low agricultural productivity,

(ii) imperfect competition, and

(iii) suboptimal utilization of technology and Research and Development (R&D). 

Furthermore, the overall labour productivity growth in the agriculture sector is negative (-1.7 percent) in Q1 2022 and well below the Malaysian average of 2.1 percent, on the back of low sector employment declining by 0.7 percent. 

Likewise, Malaysian agri-food companies are confronted by problems of reliable access to electricity with frequent power  outages; and an access to modern technology like broadband is often limited, leading to an obstacle to boost productivity and supply reliability because of tangled commodity exchanges.

R&D spending on the agri-food sector is low, and so is often regarded as the obstacle to boost productivity and supply reliability. With R&D spending on the agri-food sector being so miniscule, the adoption of new technologies, and even on improved process flows, is a hindrance to any advance ahead. The World Bank estimated that less than 15% of all firms are spending on R&D and to be internationally recognised with relevant qualifications and certifications to boost market segments penetration.

4 Agri-Food Security

With adherence to the neo-colonial praxis in financial corporatisation of large agribusiness plantations catering to metropolitan countries commercial needs, a country like Malaysia had neglected her domestic food security  concern so much that the country imports almost 100% of grain corn or two million tonnes annually from Argentina, Brazil and the US.

The local rice production has stagnated in the last thirty years and between 2016 to 2018, rice production actually decreased by 6.20%. As by today, Malaysia is importing between 30 to 40 percent of its rice consumption mainly from Vietnam, India and Thailand.

At a time when world economic situation is expected to become even more challenging in 2023 because energy crisis and food security are among the main economic threats, especially for developing countries. Even a developed country like Malaysia where agro-food import stood at RM$64 billion in 2022 or according to the Department of Statistics Malaysia (DoSM), imports of food accumulated to RM$482.8 billion over the last 10 years, while agricultural produce exports amounted to mere RM$296 billion. 

At the World Food Summit, it is expressed that food security shall only exist when all people, at all times, have physical and economic access to sufficient, safe and nutritious food. Food security must be seen in terms of availability, accessibility, consumption and stability. Physical availability means that food must be readily available, while physical accessibility means the food must not only be available but people must also have access to it.

However, Big Farms are in many ways undermining local and regional food security by buying up land and entrenching an industrial, export-oriented model of agriculture. In the process – with wide-spread circuitry of capital, the inadvertent existence of monopoly-capital – large transnational conglomerates are not only expropriating emerging economies their natural resources in an unequal exchange, but also inducing long-term environmental and social devastation as a  consequential ecosystem disaster.

5 Food-secure Initiatives

We are at a junction where some of the Ministry of Agriculture and Food Security’s (MAFS’s) flagship initiatives include the Smart-Sawah Berskala Besar currently focused on Integrated Agricultural Development Areas. 

Encouragingly, too, at the national and subnational level, are policies that enable environment, and complementary investments that have helped to steer and accelerate the digital transformation of the agri-food system.

At the national level, agricultures included under the National Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) Policy as one of the priority sectors. The application of 4IR technologies in the agriculture sector is expected – hopefully – to create the highest impact on the nation as a whole.

Some of the important policies undertaken by the present Unity Governance under the 4IR nclude:

(i) creating more local digital platforms enable-to the digital marketplace;

(ii) investing on basic infrastructure in rural areas to enable the  adoption of 4IR technologies;

(iii) establishing the 4IR agriculture technology application center and an agriculture facilitation fund to encourage the adoption of emerging technologies;

(iv) setting up-regulated co-investment trust fund to pool capital from the government and the private sector to invest in 4IR-related technologies;

and 

(v) providing tax incentives to encourage the adoption of 4IR technologies.

Indeed, at the sub-national level, in Sarawak, in line with the Digital Economy Blueprint, the state government has created an enabling policy and regulatory environment for digital platforms, digital entrepreneurship, digital payment systems, and digital skills.

There are even zones dedicated to high-profile technology parks for food crop production. 

Then, in Johor, the southern peninsula state is preparing the Johor Agrofood Policy 2021-2030 (DANJ), and to promote food security and digital technologies, it is leveraging a Smart Agriculture Zone (SAZ) and a Drones & Robotics Zone (DRZ) in the city of Iskandar. 

In conclusion, the focus-effort in fostering the adoption of technology,  innovation, and modernized management practices is the way to go forwards. It is a defined, and definite, necessity for the agri-food sector to improve its performance. In the past, Malaysia has done relatively well in developing new products, but its performance has fallen short in the of process improvements due to entrenched clientele capitalism, (STORM, 2021).

The environmental situation is further compounded by kleptocratic veiled vision to benefit false vested crony interests, thus suppressing real land reforms for the unsettled peasantry, (STORM 2016).

EPILOGUE

Under a bold endeavour, there shall be enhanced, community-based, common wealth-sharing approach, comprising:

(i) spatial and temporal considerations to guide future development,

(ii) consideration of changing diets and nutritional requirements, and

(iii) steps to improve national resilience


Related Readings

Financialization of Global Agribusiness

Big Farms, Small Farmers

Cultivators and Capitalism

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Capitalism: Crisis to Crisis

1 INTRODUCTION

On the World Bank Malaysia Economic Monitor, June 2022, it highlights the incompleteness of task ahead in the political-economic state of nation. Post-Covid 19 pandemic, there is a continuing, and an increased, vulnerability among affected Malaysian households and businesses, basically, the relatively high levels of household and corporate debt. This comes about partly because there is insufficient higher inflow of foreign direct investments to stimulate a laggard economy as was during the 1970s boom :

Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in Malaysia registered higher net inflow of RM$48.1 billion in 2021 as compared to RM$13.3 billion in the previous year; the services sector, accounting for almost 43% of total FDI inflow followed by the manufacturing sector, which makes up less than 43% of total FDI inflow (theedgemarkets 4 March 2022).

Then, the reality of foreign direct investments has changed from importation of machineries to complete physical finished end-products to that of provision of soft elements in advisory or consultancy contents that requires less material and labour involvement.

With intermittently lockdowns under State of Emergency, political hucksters had only accentuated that wealth at the top of society, wallowing in ethnocapiral clientelship, ever more concentrated and consolidated. Whether it is installing lampposts following no open-tender procedure or by retaining the Jendela infrastructural platforms with broad exclusiveness or to fill the pockets of the chairperson and board members of FELDA Global Venture (FGV): the crisis in capitalism continues by cheating the Felda settlers again, see STORM, Felda to FGV: cultivators and capital.

2 POLICIES AND POLITICS

There is yet any defined – or executive determined – articulation of policies at this stage of economic recovery on ensuring sufficient social protection for lower-income groups to support an inclusive growth as rakyat2 have demanded, (GBM-CSO, Rakyat Manifesto 2021. The UNICEF 2020 Report had already indicated the persistence low income female-headed households are exceptionally vulnerable, with higher rates of unemployment at 32% compared to the total heads of households. Female headed households also registered lower rates of access to social protection, with 57% having no access compared to 52% of total heads of households.

It was reported recently that in the Federal Territories, at least 6,100 households are considered poor and 4,500 are hardcore poor, according to the National Poverty Data Bank System (eKasih). A poor household is one that earns less than RM$2,208 a month while the hardcore poor earns less than RM$1,169 monthly, (thestar, 4/04/2022). In fact, 20.0 per cent of households from the M40 group with income between RM4,850 and RM10,959 had dropped to the B40 group

To be acknowledged that the national household debt-to-Gross Domestic Product (GDP) ratio had already surged to a new peak of 93.3% as at December 2020 from its previous record high of 87.5% in June 2020, according to Bank Negara Malaysia (BNM). The majority of urban low-income families are much more likely to be unemployed or have lower working hours with lower pay, and greater challenges in accessing healthcare.

The number of poor households had increased to 639.8 thousand households in 2020 as compared to 405.4 thousand households in 2019. Further, the incidence of absolute poverty had also increased from 5.6 per cent (2019) to 8.4 per cent. Source: Department of Statistics, Malaysia, August 2021.

The second economic problems – even after +60 years of neocolonial economic development – that there are states, namely Kedah, Perlis, Kelantan, Sabah, and Sarawak, with the lowest average income and highest incidences of poverty, (World Bank Press Report “Catching Up: Inclusive Recovery & Growth for Lagging States”).

This uneven spatial economic landscape is the hallmark of development of underdevelopment much acutely felt in Sarawak and Sabah, even though “by allocating at least 50 percent of the government’s basic development expenditure, such as the construction of schools, hospitals, and roads,” as said by Dato’ Sri Mustapa Mohamed, Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department (Economy), these twin states are still lagging well behind since their incorporation into the formation of Malaysia in 1963. In 2020, the East Malaysian state of Sabah had the highest rate of poverty in Malaysia, with 25.3 percent of the population living below the poverty line. Sarawak is ranked third in having the highest number of poor families among all the states in Malaysia, despite Sarawak government’s reserves of RM$31 billion, whereby Sarawak is ‘a rich state with poor people’.

The third problem, inherent to weakened governance, lies with politicians being too fetish eye on their electoral fortunes and their endowed, and enduring, largess as parliamentary representatives. The third Prime Minister – post GE14 – Ismail Sabri Yaakob’s government is more focused on perpetuating its time in (and benefits therefrom) office, (Bridget Welsh, June 2022). It seems that there is little stomach for needed policy reviews and interventions, except an appetite to witness, hear and view the gouging of national assets by a past premier passing times :

3 THE CAPITALISM CRISIS

With globalisation, rentier capitalism compradores colluding with neo-imperial monopoly capitalism – connecting linkages in the global commodity chains – only accentuate wealth disparity with the working class.

That capitalism fails as a good model is evidently clear that in capitalism, it is not about human development but privately accumulated profits by a tiny minority of the population. The most important implication, in our country, is that although the middle 40 per cent and the bottom 50 per cent have had benefited in some ways from economic growth, the Bumiputera in the top income groups (the top 1 per cent and the 10 per cent) benefited the most, (see Khalid lse.blog, 2019) or about 40,000 ethnocapital political families  running and looting –and ruining – the national economy. The undeniable fact as to why many bumiputera  had not attained parity despite +60 years of neo-liberal-enforced economic development is the existence of a new class of compradore capitalist which – in the pursuance of capital accumulation – has aligned with monopoly-capital to exploit the nation’s resources, and to dash her economic development potentialities: from the early days of the Development Advisory Service Harvard (DASH) to the present Google/Microsoft alliance in the design, development and deployment of infrastructural platforms henceforth.

This thrust in the social hierarchy from a class of clientel capitalists is to reinforce capitalism as the economic development agenda, and financialization capitalism as pathway towards the widening accumulation of capital. The ensuing profit generated in companies, and the rent elements received by oligarchy individuals, inevitably perpetuate the extraction of outsized surplus values relative to capital “invested”.

Thus, it is not surprising that the absolute gap across income groups in Malaysia has increased, contributing to widespread perceptions of the poor being left behind: The top 20% of population – the T20 – possess 46.2% of the nationalincome share, while M40 have 37.4% of the national income share but the bottom 40% of population – the B40 – only get 16.4% of the national income share of wealth; see Khalid 2019.

The present unpleasantness on uneven economic development and unequal sharing of a common wealth owes, therefore, on one part to clientel capitalism (see James Chin, The Costs of Malay Supremacy, New York Times, Aug. 27, 2015) and, on another part, to the Burden of Privilege on the Malaysian Economy as articulated by Sudhave in 2021. This is correlated to the prematurely de-industrialisation in the 1990s. Deindustrialisation happens when there is a reduction in industrial activity or capacity, which Dr Jayant Menon – an Asian Development Bank (ADB) economist – said it was too early for Malaysia to have turned a major shift from manufacturing to the FIRE services (Finance, Insurance, Real Estates) because its manufacturing sector has yet to mature to a point where it could possibly achieve an advanced level of technological sophistication, and an educational ecosystem to support, and absolve to apply – with talented manpower – a transfer of technology strategy. The scarcity – and even inappropriateness of the national education system – of skilled workers have also been identified prevously, and in the present World Bank Report : one major impediment faced by these states is their lower levels of human capital development.……(whence) in the longer term, broadening access to quality education and skills training would raise the quality of human capital.

Throughout the1960-1970 era, the international concentration of capital invertibly had given birth to international monopoly-finance capital that ensues the emergence of financialization capitalism (see John Bellamy Foster, The Financialization of AccumulationMonthly Review vol:62, issue 05 October 2010). Financialization capitalism becomes prominent because the transnational corporations (TNCs) were unable to find sufficient investment outlets for their huge economic surpluses from production, increasingly turn to speculation within the global financial sphere, (see John Bellamy Foster and Fred MagdoffThe Great Financial Crisis (New York:  Monthly Review  Press, 2009). Local capitalists were mersimerised, and so entrapped by financialisation capitalism attributes, especially in property development with its real estates investment trust (REIT) that even households had become financialized, (see Costas Lapavitsas,  Financialised Capitalism: Crisis and Financial ExpropriationHistorical Materialism 17 (2009), School of Oriental and African Studies, London and Costas LapavitsasThe Era of Financialization, Part 3TripleCrisis). In the country, financialization capitalism is engaging – and entangling – the political economy of Malaysia even during a Covid19 pandemic when such mode of capitalism is as contiguous as the virus itself.

It is capitalism – not competition between Malays and the other races – that is the source of our grave political-economic problems. The ethos of capitalism – from the forward movement during British colonialism to our present sluggish ruling regimes – is to insert clientel-capitalism to colonialise the minds of the unrepresented destitutes. This is capitalism at its heights to retain and sustain political power, immiserising countless land-settleless rakyat2 and urban destitutes. The capitalism in crisis would continue  impoverishing the poors in order for capitalism, specifically ethnocapital clientel capitalism – with the political fabrication and construction that had rapidly metamorphosed into policy constructs in the 1970s (Lim Teck Ghee) ensuing as an economic entrenchment of the NEP construct (Woo 2015, James Chin 2016, KBN 2018, Khalid 2019, KRI 2020, Kua 2021 & Diam 2021) which clearly is divisive to the nation’s unity and sense of belonging – to exist and flourish.

Dr. Rashed Mustafa Sarwar, Representative for UNICEF in Malaysia, had once said the country must and should take opportunities created by the budget and within the 12th Malaysia Plan to rethink social protection in Malaysia “to ensure that no family, and no child, is left behind” (see Towards A Post-2020 Political Economy; REFSA April 2021; blogs.World Bank 2021; PSM 2021, For a better Malaysia; Re-examining Urban Poverty : 2-hour webinar organised by the Center for Market Education, Embassy of Belgium and Bait Al Amanah, KualaLumpur, 15/4/2021) and to better resolve the multidimensional multi-ethnic problems in the country.

Malaysia is at a crossroad in its politico-economic path. With fractious politics and a shrinking middle class, socio-economic conditions could become even more precarious because of the imminent stagflation risk arising amid sharp slowdown in growth accompanying accelerated inflation, (World Bank, Global Economic Prospects, June 7, 2022).

Malaysia ambition to become a leading edge in competitiveness is now well blunted with a stagnated economy, (Sudhdave 2020); that the economy direction needs to be changed, (Kamal Salih, 01/06/2022) because the Vision 2020 is already blinded, and betrayed (Jomo, 10/12/2020).

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THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF NATION – THE MALAYSIAN MANUSCRIPT

Capitalism has become increasingly nomadic, leaving a trail of social-economic disorderliness and disarrangement in its wake. 

The turbulents create Capitalism: crisis to crisis.

CONTENTS


1] INTRODUCTION
2] PETRONAS, PEASANTRY AND THE PROLETARIATS
3] THE DEVELOPMENT  OF UNDERDEVELOPMENT
4] CORPORATE CAPITAL, RENTIER CAPITALISM AND THE CLIENTEL CAPITAL CLASS

5] LABOUR, CLASS AND ALIENATION
6] CIRCUITRY OF CAPITAL
7] ECOLOGICAL ECONOMICS

8] MADANI MALAYSIA
9] EARLY MALAYSIAN TRILOGY

[click each bold LINK: goto a MANUSCRIPT]

( click see soft link : goto external sources )


1] INTRODUCTION

Capitalism important trends in recent history:

(1) slowing down of the overall rate of growth;
(2) internationalisation of monopolistic transnational corporations (TNCs); and
(3) emergence of the “capital accumulation process” or financialization capitalism

a) Since the 1974-1975 recession, there is a growth rate slowdown in advanced capitalist economies with impactful economic effects on the poorest countries. Scouting for wider markets to sustain capitalism, a proliferation of corporations – with neoliberalism policies – begins setting up assembly lines across borders in different geographical locations, especially inside developing countries – the Global South – where in 2010, more than half of all foreign direct investment (FDI) went to third world and transition economies. With this strategic positioning in place, and world production dominated by a relatively few transnational corporations (TNC) exercising considerable monopoly power over states and labour, the migration towards the international concentration of capital clearly reflected on the work of Lenin (Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism, New York: International Publishers, 1939) and, on the other hand, confirms Amin’s imperialism of generalized-monopoly capitalism and Emmanuel’s unequal exchange under Neo-Imperialism that initiated underdevelopment under monopoly-capitalism through sheer exploitation.

The international concentration of capital invertibly gives birth to international monopoly-finance capital that ensues the emergence of financialization capitalism (see John Bellamy Foster, The Financialization of Accumulation, Monthly Review vol:62, issue 05 October 2010). Financialization capitalism becomes prominent because the TNCs are unable to find sufficient investment outlets for their huge economic surpluses from production, increasingly turn to speculation within the global financial sphere, (see John Bellamy Foster and Fred Magdoff, The Great Financial Crisis (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2009). Even households had become financialized, (see Costas Lapavitsas,  Financialised Capitalism: Crisis and Financial Expropriation, Historical Materialism 17 (2009), School of Oriental and African Studies, London and Costas LapavitsasThe Era of Financialization, Part 3, TripleCrisis). In the country, financialization capitalism is engaging – and entangling – the political economy of Malaysia even during a Covid19 pandemic situation when such capitalism is as contiguous as the virus itself, and became the dominance of financial monopoly-capitalism in the nation, and consequently indebted the country. The urban poors are distressing in debts as reported by UNICEF 2020. The collusion of monopoly-capitalism with clientel capitalism is clearly evident during the acquisition, distribution and Covid19 vaccination processes.

b) Malaysia, within a world economy infused with capitalism, has a neo-colonialism economy past where a particular racial class of succeeding ethnocapital kleptocracy regimes exist in looting national coffers essentially through illicit capital and illegal tradings after her independence from British colonial master, inadvertently perpetuating the consolidation of ethnocapital clientel capitalism.

c) That what is widely referred to as neoliberal globalization in the twenty-first century is in fact a historical shift to global monopoly-finance capital (see Samir Amin imperialism of generalized-monopoly capitalism) taking on a new phase in the globalization of production and finance.

During the 1970s, Malaysia went through an industrialisation initiative though did not employ as many workers as projected, but FDI still created an underdevelopment in monopoly-capitalism environment that inevitably invited these TNCs exploiting precarious labour. Presently, the few TNCs dominating particular industries or in the sectors of electrical and electronic production are confronted with a dialectic of rivalry and collusion: the mobile phone industry and a infrastructural platform, like Google, are prime examples of the control of telecommunication services.

d) There is a “competition” between firms in search for low labour cost (economics term: labour arbitrage) and low-cost production processes (operations management from lean to just-in-time and flexible production),  competition for resources and markets (strategic management term: competitive advantages) and marketing principles on product differentiation (varied products with many features and multi-functionalities at various price structures in different marketspheres).

By 2008, those top one hundred global corporations which had shifted their production to foreign affiliates or subsidiaries accounted worldwide for 60 percent of their total assets and employment, and more than 60 percent of their total sales.

e) During an era of global monopoly-finance capital, financial capital is part of the transnational migration of capital with Information Technology augmenting the monopolisation trends primarily, ( see John Bellamy Foster and Robert W. McChesney, The Internet’s Unholy Marriage to Capitalism, Monthly Review 62, no. 10 (March 2011): 1-30). Increasingly, capital accumulation – real capital formation in the realm of goods and services – has become widely subordinate to finance, including the public healthcare and pharmaceutical providers, housings development through Real Estate Investment Trust (REIT) and others.

Whereas labour ( owing to a combination of cultural, political, economic, legal and geographical reasons ) is rooted in particular nations – ensuring a constant and growing supply to the global reserve army of workers – capital is globally mobile, thus consolidating the Global Labour Arbitrage advantages with Global Value Chains.

This Capital Internationalisation fragments, and weakens, labour organizations, and during the Covid19 pandemic especially in union bursting regionally, including Malaysia specifically.

2] PETRONAS, PEASANTRY & THE PROLETARIATS

a) In the 1970s so it comes about with the discovery of oil and gas, and in a beachhead, the Big Oil controlled the exploitation along the east coast of Peninsular Malaysia, and on the South China Sea off Sabah and Sarawak. The ensuing Neo-Imperialism penetration tilted an economic development paradigm shift: an intensified economic nationalism – culminating with the Guthrie Dawn Raid – a focused ethnocratic inclination that firmly reconstructed the strengthening stronghold of an ethnocapital hegemony of the ruling class. These factors contribute to consolidation of rentier capitalism as was enmeshed in the New Economic Policy (see Jomo 2004, SME 2019). The associated negative ramifications that surfaced perpetuates a burden of privileges in the economy (see Sadhive) that need to be reviewed and restructured, if not, rejected.

b) Concurrently with the energetic endeavour in O&G exploitation is the promotion of the rural community FELDA scheme that was envisaged to forestall possible Urban-Agrarian collaboration and cooperation for revolutionary changes towards a new peasantry-proletariat political economy in Malaysia. Supposedly to be corridor sanitarian to corral rural Malay communities with modern built-in infrastructure –  with clinics, schools, roads and bridges – ensuring subsistence dependence with loyalty to the ruling class and the transnational corporation presence in the FTZs and EFTZs (Exports Free Trade Zones) to mop-up precarious labour.

What is acclaimed as “accumulation by dispossession,”(see David Harvey, 2019) with the mass global removal of peasants from the land by Big Farm agribusiness and peasant migration to overcrowded cities yet to encounter dialectical urbanism in capitalist enclaves – from FELDA to FGV –  has greatly increased the “reserve” industrial reserve army of labor worldwide, but landless impoverishment culminating in the students’ Baling Hunger Strike.

3] THE DEVELOPMENT  OF UNDERDEVELOPMENT

NEP consequential follow through, as stated, is the emergence of clientel capitalism solidified into an ethnocapital hegemony. The subsequent Asian Financial Crisis (AFC1997) and the Global Financial Crisis (GFC2007) tanked the country with a stagnant economy (see Sadhive 2020) – whereby the country is forever mired in debts with profound poverty among rakyat2 and inequality in wealth distribution. To compound the politico-economic landscape is that often we have big budgets, bad debts accompanied by a bad government after the Sheraton Move in 2020, and its aftermath (James Chin 2020; Bridget Welsh 2020).

The country is a case in development of underdevelopment even to her member states so much so that besides stripping the nation’s endowed potentialities under the auspice of GLC’s ownership and control, she also sold out to Big Oil (see also Rob UrieOil Imperialism and Monetary Policy, 25/03/2015, counterpunch); the accompanying intra-state political intrigues and deft maneuverings (see James Chin 2020, 2018, 2016; MA63) have yet to subside.

4] CORPORATE CAPITAL , RENTIER CAPITALISM AND THE CLIENTEL CAPITAL CLASS

The political economy of the country thus rests upon an agenda of neoliberalism favouring corporate capital colluding with clientel capitalism locally to connect with Global North monopoly-capital, besides getting entangled under a  Ecological-Epidemiological-Economic crisis during a covid19 pandemic.

Linking the conduit of monopoly-capital connections, whether as in Apple Corp. case or HERE, and locally like the Top Grove, is that where financialization capitalism is playing a big role in gourging the financial domain than promoting productivity, research and development breakthroughs nor wider market coverage as under industrialisation.

The implementation of the enthnocratically-administrated National Economic Policy in 1970, (see, selectively: Navaratnam 2020, Zainuddin 2019, Jomo 2005,) where succeeding oligarchy regimes had continued maintaining a clientel ethnocapitalism domination over the working class rakyat2 with 1% of the bumiputera population (see Khalid lse.blog) or about 40,000 ethnocapital political families running and looting – and ruining – the national economy in alliance with Global North monopoly-capital – all in furtherance of neo-imperialism penetration that by now the ownership of a failed state, (see Aliran 2021).

An ethnocratic governance is where representatives of an ethnic group is holding a disproportionately large number of public posts to advance their ethnic group to the disfranchisement of others, (see Winter, J.A., Oligarchy, Cambridge University Press, 2011 and Wade, G., The Origins and Evolution of Ethnocracy in Malaysia, Asia Research Institute, National University of Singapore, Working Paper Series 112, April 2009), including enforcng political Islam.

With entrenched political power wielding authority over or directing the behavior of rakyat2, whether in economic, social lives or cultural, the accumulation of capital to the ruling class continues expanding. The political economy of Malaysia needs to be analysed on a class basis because it entails producing, expropriating, and distributing surplus value of rakyat2 labourby rent seekers in collusion with monopoly-capital.

Under capitalism, the capitalists are dominant at each level of society, the proletarians are dominated at each and every sector of labouring activities. Where class existing at each economic, political, and ideological (or cultural) level, the class relationship to where dominating power ensues could be identified from the  stronghold of clientelism and the ensuring political clientel relationship where ruling elites in, say United Malay National Organisation (UMNO) [place] had aligned with economic oligarchs [positions] in accepting rentier capitalism to sustain their hold on [power]. They adopt this clientelism as solicitations for votes at the grassroots level, allowing division-level ruling elites [place] the party patronage [position] and political [power] to effectively partisanizing them and ensuring ground-level officials with whom most voters interacted with are political party loyalists, (see Weiss 2020 and newmandala). The entrenched class even tried to own and control the banking sector just as government linked companies (GLCs) have administrative controls over various land distribution to landless cultivators. GLCs also have their hands full in many financial sectors including the Permodalan Nasional Berhad (PNB) which is the investment arm of the Bumiputra Investment Foundation (YPB) under financialization capitalism :

The web of the Prime Minister Office that is linked to the Prime Minister Economics Affair controlling government corporations, registered companies, trust and saving funds, cooperatives, state authorities, research and development departments

5] LABOUR, CLASS AND ALIENATION

a) The political economy environment encourages local corporate capital colluding with external monopoly-capital towards continuous extracting surplus value from the labouring class. Through the application of global labour arbitrage where, as a result of the removal of or through the disintegration of barriers to international trade, jobs and industries have since moved to nations where labour and the cost of doing business is through workers’ low-pay and where operational costs are inexpensive, respectively, thus creating a rentier capitalism class to enlarge upon capital accumulation by the TNCs.

b) With the introduction of computerisation in the country during 1980s, and the inauguration of the Multimedia Supercorridor in Cyberjaya – more wide spread when the economy engages in e-commerce at the beginning of the twenty-first century – Workers in the digital-economy and zero-hour workers often found themselves underemployed, and alienated whether as the reserve army of labour looking for jobs or searching for unaffordable housing or as unsettling owners on Felda Venture Global’s FELDA plantations.

c) Now with the introduction of a system in infrastructural platform, likely it shall indeed expand and likely prolong the unemployment problems in the country because present education system has not engender nor energise an IT ecosystem to support such high-technology system where the main gainers are the digital lords and digital knights like Telekom’s TM as a monopoly GLC-clientel gainer just as in the pharmaceutical  industry the privatised pharmaceutical firm Pharmanagia profited well during the Covid19 pandemic. In the public hospitals, owing to the compradore capitalists greeds and the adoption of a financialization capitalism model, there is an unequal access and inequity healthcare services throughout the country- whether in Sabah or Sarawak. There should be a national initiative towards equity and equality access to healthcare provision, more urgently now with the rollout of Covid19 vaccines, the distribution process could be disrupted by the challenges in the monopoly supply chain, (see codeblue, bridgetwelsh, aliran 2019; see also Jomo on vaccine nationalism and vaccine apartheid).

6] CIRCUITRY OF CAPITAL

a) The chaining to the neo-colonialism economic architecture linking to extractive value chain benefitting Global North monopoly capitalism that encourages penetration of neo-imperialism with financialization capitalism which has gourged national resources is the circuitry of capitalism that indebted national sovereign wealth.

b) The circuitry of capital that tied to Global North monopoly-capitalism by commodity chaining in the acquiring, production and distribution of raw materials into as finished commodities to be channelled to various external marketspace has not endowed, despite urged to aim high by World Bank, the national economy towards wealth creation for rakyat2 but solidify in the country clientel capitalism. In partucular, present ruling regimes are adopting clientel-capitalism to colonialise the minds of the unrepresented destitutes in order to retain and sustain political power yet without much spread effect to be equally shared.

Indeed, the top 1% own 45% of all global personal wealth; 10% own 82%; whereas the bottom 50% own less than 1% according to Credit Suisse Global Wealth Report on the household wealth of 5.2 billion people across the world.

c) In a globalised world, activities are involved in the production of goods and services and later their supply, distribution, and post-sales activities are coordinated across geographical destinations; there are values in these activities because capital follows these processes during circuitry. Global Value Chain (GVC) has generated much inequalities that is dissonance with poverty’s poors with approaches of unequal exchange. Most unfortunately, the GVC world also enhances the dominance of transnational corporations (TNCs), concentrates wealth, represses the incomes of supplier firms in developing countries, and creates many bad jobs (degrading, dirty, dangerous) that demand foreign labour intake with deleterious outcomes for local workers, but if they do protest on working conditions whether through go-slow or collective strikes, union busting by TNCs becomes the directive norms.

7] ECOLOGICAL ECONOMICS

a) Since the accumulation of capital is paramount to the owners of capital, their prime objective is to obtain their returns of investment within a short period so they can accumulate profits faster. As a result, investors do not consider long term impacts of their actions on the environment nor Mother Earth’s biosphere, (see Ian Angus, Earth Science and Ecological Marxism)

b) Marx’s central concepts of the “universal metabolism of nature,” “social metabolism,” and the metabolic “rift” to define the ecological worldview, (Karl Marx, Capital, vol. 3, London: Penguin, 1981), 949; Marx and Engels, Collected Works, vol. 30, 54–66) means that an understanding of ecological economics and ecosocialism development for nation is a necessity towards attaining ecologically Engels.

c) The deforestation of Borneo rich hinterlands with the construction of the Pan Borneo Highway, the radioactive contamination by rare earth Lynas, the suphuric discharge in Mamut copper mine and cyanidation of Raub Australian Gold Mine bear testimonials that human must bear ecosocialism responsibility to our planetary well-being to Mother Earth.

8] MADANI Malaysia

Post-GE15, there is a serial of articles on MADANI economy Malaysia covering The Script on capital accumulation and labour exploitation relations besides other economic elements in The Naratives and critical observations therein with The Conversation. The main components in a Madani Malaysia economic development are covered by various aspects like the vision of a democratic islamic view on politico-economic development as well as the parameters require to execute the endeavour: financial requirements and means to secure them; the approaches including the Targeted Area in Poverty Alleviation Objectives (TAPAO), and the method to implement the PRAXIS, those identifiable constraining factors in deliverance from neoliberal policies as advocated by the World Bank/IMF to the inefficiency in the class-stratified public sector besides the limitations in fiscal tools to minimise debts and will power to restructure the government-link companies and their ensuing odious practices.

The geoeconomic challenges of a Madani economy Malaysia is amplified whilst an alternative community-based organisation based on socialism with a Malaysian characteristic is proposed.

9] Other than the inherent weaknesses of capitalism are examined, the alternative economic model in socialism practice is proposed using US-CHINA case studies in an Incremental Capital Output Ratio analysis.

10] EARLY MALAYSIAN TRILOGY

Acknowledging that human evolution helps us to understand the biological and cultural expressions of these First People, with far-reaching implications for Man’s shared welfare, there is a need on the extension, and explanation, of a Malaysian consciousness towards a national identity, and firming the nation-bonding.

Part I: The Early Malaysians

The oldest evidence of early human habitation in Malaysia was discovered in 2008 when stone hand-axes were unearthed in the historical site of Lenggong dating back 1.83 million years. Also in Malaysia, the earliest discovery of a 40,000-year human skull was found in the Niah Caves of Sarawak, besides new archaeological discoveries in the Lembah Bujang area in Sungei Petani. 

Therefore, only by being conscious about the role of various communities – with different ethnic, race and creed –  that defines our Malaysian nation can help to challenge power holders who had distorted and reconstructed history based on self ethnocapital class interests by seducing society according to ethnicity, race and religion, (see Lim Teck Ghee 2021, Cheah Boon Kheng 1996).

EPILOGUE

One possible solution to these crises of capitalism, and that is, the demise of capitalism itself.

GLOSSARY TERMS

1mdb Malaysia sovereign fund heisted 

AI Anwar Ibrahim; artificial intelligence

agency house British entity acting as an intermediary to merchants or cohort of traders in colonial England

alienation the process whereby the worker is made to feel foreign to the products of his/her own labour or the process of labour and a self consciousness on self-estrangement during the labouring effort

B40 represents the bottom 40% of income Malaysia

black swan an unpredictable or unforeseen event, typically one with extreme consequences

bourgeoisie rose at the end of the eighteenth century, and (in Marxist contexts) the capitalist class who own most of society’s wealth and means of production

bumiputra (Jawi: بوميڤوترا) is a term used in Malaysia to describe Malays and Orang Asli or indigenous peoples of Malaysia or Southeast Asia; officially, it recognised the “special position” of the Malays provided in the Constitution of Malaysia, in particular Article 153

capital wealth in the form of money or other assets owned by a person or organization to further generate higher rates of return to the initial capital outlay thereby creating capital accumulation https://youtu.be/DwyYzewiGh8

capital accumulation is an increase in assets from investments or profits and is one of the building blocks of a capitalist economy (capitalism) where the goal is to increase the value of an initial investment as a return on investment, whether that be through appreciation, rent, capital gains, or interest (that could also be part of financialization  capitalism)

capitalism an economic and political system in which a country’s trade and industry are controlled by private owners for profit, rather than by the state

capitalist class the group of people who own the means of production and employ workers

class where the ruling class (bourgeoisie) who own the means of production and the working class (proletariat) who are exploited

class struggle where in any society there is tension or antagonism that requires such conflict to be resolved

clientel capitalism is rent-seeking capital in the monopolization of access to any kind of property (physical, financial, intellectual, etc.) to gain significant amounts of returns without any contribution to society

compradore capitalist an entrepreneur in colonial or THIRD WORLD countries who accumulates capital through acting as intermediary between indigenous producers and foreign merchants

coronavirus capitalism is a particular type of Malaysian corporate capitalism infecting and destabilising the national economy through cronyism and/or ethnocratic empowerment; can transmit transnationally across the South China Sea to the states of Sarawak and Sabah

cronyism the appointment of friends and associates to positions of authority, without proper regard to their qualifications

dawn raid the returning and retaining of British agency houses assets and resources to Malaysia; see Guthrie Dawn Raid

digital labour e-commerce workers

digital transactions seamless system involving one or more participants, where such transactions are effected without the need for cash

economic nationalism favors state interventionism over other market mechanisms, with policies such as domestic control of the national economy, labor, and capital formation

ethnocracy political structure in which the state apparatus is controlled by a dominant ethnic group (or groups) to further its interests, power and resources

ethnocapital where bumiputera is advancing the Malay community with capital to the disfranchisement of others

epidemiological relating to the branch of medicine which deals with the incidence, distribution, and control of diseases

FELDA the Federal Land Development Authority – a Malaysian government agency to handle the resettlement of rural poor and smallholders into newly developed areas to plant, grow and harvest cash crops like palm oil and rubber

FGV Felda Global Venture is the global, diversified and sustainable integrated agri-business corporatized from FELDA settlers’ schemes

FTZ free trade zone: a geographic area where goods are imported, stored, handled, manufactured, or reconfigured and re-exported without subjecting to customs duty

financialization development of financial capitalism during the 1980s to present, in which debt-to-equity ratios increased and financial services (derivatives. hire-purchases, insurance, leasings, rents, digital transactions and interests) accounted for an increasing share of national income relative to other sectors

fiscal stimulus (packages) a government cuts taxes or increases its spending or just gives out any money in a bid to revive the economy and placate rakyat

glc government-link companies

globalization the process by which businesses or other organizations develop international influence or start operating on an international scale

global capital is the interlinking of various investment exchanges around the world that enable individuals and entities to buy and sell financial securities and digital transactions at international level

global labor arbitrage is an economic phenomenon where, as a result of the removal of or disintegration of barriers to international trade, jobs move to nations where labor and the cost of doing business is inexpensive and/or impoverished labor moves to nations with higher paying jobs.

global north refers to those developed societies of Europe and north America with dominance of world trade and politics

global south identifying countries with one side of the underlying global North–South divide, the other side being the countries of the Global North; underdeveloped and developing countries which are not part of global north

global oligopolistic capitalism, in which finance capital has come to dominate worldwide production and distribution

global value chain in a globalised world, activities are involved in the production of goods and services and later their supply, distribution, and post-sales activities are coordinated across geographical destinations; there are values in these chained activities that are not accrued to labour in the producing countries

kleptocracy a government whose corrupt leaders (kleptocrats) use political power to appropriate the wealth of their nation, typically by embezzling or misappropriating government funds

labouring class comprises those engaged in waged or salaried labour, especially in manual-labour occupations and industrial work

landless untitled cultivators and farmers, indebted FELDA settlers and unsettled natives in Sarawak and Sabah 

M40 representing the middle 40% of income earners in Malaysia

malay dilemma is the particular question on the dilemmas of many a malay not understanding what are the problems of the malay community that has to be examined and analysed by a Dr. Mohammed Mahathir

means of production also termed as capital good, are physical and non-financial inputs used in the production of goods and services with economic value

monopoly capital greater centralization and concentration of capital by conglomerate of businesses along with the financial domination of industry

neoliberalism market-oriented reform policies through eliminating price controls, deregulating capital markets, lowering trade barriers besides reducing state influence with privatisation in the economy

nep new economic policy initiated in 1970 sought to ‘eradicate poverty’ and ‘restructure society to eliminate the identification of race with economic function’ in order to create the conditions for national unity

ngo non-government organisations

neo-colonialism use of economic, political, cultural, or other pressures to control or influence other countries, especially former dependencies https://wordpress.com/read/blogs/58770018/posts/264

neo-imperialism using cultural, commercial and/or political power and influence to dominate smaller countries. Neoimperialism is the specific contemporary phase of historical development that features the economic globalization and financialization of monopoly capitalism.

neo-liberalism economics market-oriented reform policies such as “eliminating price controls, deregulating capital markets, lowering trade barriers” and reducing state influence in the economy, especially through privatization and austerity.

oligarchic alliance an international monopoly alliance of oligarchic capitalism, featuring one hegemonic ruler and several other great powers, has come into being and provides the economic foundation for the money politics, vulgar culture, and military threats that exploit and oppress on the basis of the monopoly

pandemic an epidemic of an infectious disease that has spread across a large region, for instance multiple continents or worldwide often as a result of global capital  that drove the deforestation for economic activities exposing emergence of new pathogens

political islam the ideology of Ketuanan Melayu Islam (Malay Islam Supremacy)  

precarious labour to describe non-standard or temporary employment that may be poorly paid, insecure, unprotected, and unable to support a household 

privatisation the transfer of businesses, industries or services from public ownership and or control to private ownership and control.

rakyat folks or ordinary people of Malaysia

rentier capitalism monopolization of access to any kind of property (physical, financial, intellectual, etc.) and gaining significant amounts of profit without contribution to society

rukunegara https://wordpress.com/read/feeds/15271425/posts/2891028545

socialism where there is no ownership nor private-property income, but when labour work for a share of firm’s profits or collect a share of dividends from society’s wealth which is equally shared

supply chain is a network between a company and its suppliers to produce and distribute a specific product or service. The entities in the supply chains include producers, vendors, warehouses, transportation companies, distribution centers, and retailers

surplus value the excess of value produced by the labour of workers over the wages they are paid

T20 represents the top 20% of income earners in Malaysia

tasik utara student movements’ campaign for eradication of rakyat rural poverty 

third world countries included nations in Asia and Africa that were not aligned with either the United States or the Soviet Union

transnational an entity going beyond national boundaries or interests; often, the term MNC multinational corporation is used where it is a large organisation incorporated in one country that produces or sells goods or services in various countries. The two main characteristics of MNCs are their large size and the fact that their worldwide activities are centrally controlled by the parent companies

value chain is formed of primary activities that add value to the final product directly and support activities that add value indirectly

zero hour type of employment contract between an employer and worker whereby the employer is not obliged to provide any minimum number of working hours to the employee

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UNDERDEVELOPMENT UNDER MONOPOLY-CAPITALISM

1] INTRODUCTION

Incorporating Lenin’s concepts of imperialism and international class conflict into the theory of economic growth and stagnation, the Global South, predominantly low developing countries (LDCs) were in the clutch of Global North Western economic and political domination, especially during the colonial period.

Capitalism arose not through the growth of small competitive firms at home-country but through the transfer from abroad of advanced monopolistic businesses with monopoly-capital attachment and or alignment. When capitalism took hold, the bourgeoisie (the corporate capital and compradore capitalists) in country, seeked allies among other classes, initially with monopoly-capitalism in Global North, and post-1957 increasingly adopted an economic nationalism construct to engender a cohort of ethnocratic kleptocrates, and subsequently tapped upon emerging rise of the ethnocapital clientel capitalism class.

2] FROM NEOLIBERAL POINTS

What often not stated that economic development in underdeveloped countries is profoundly goodness to the dominant interests in the advanced capitalist countries. The “backwardness” of the developing world is not infrequently hidden as the rich hinterland of the highly developed Global North capitalist West to be “developed”, but exploited.

Development discipline tends to frame within the bounds of national territorial boundaries of a nation-state. The primary theories then regard development based on stages of growth, diffusionism, and modernization-developmentalist with paradigm’s proponents from Rostow (1960), Pye (1962), Parsons (1964) to Hoselitz (1960), Lerner (1965), and McClelland (1967) contending that socio-economic progress (or the lack of it) was due to the presence (or absence) of resource, institutional or psychological-sociological cultural ingredients in each respective nation-state that were necessary for development to occur. Early development understanding posits an ideal developed society couched on a Western value framework.

We have the ‘Washington Consensus’, first articulated by World Bank economist John Williamson, focusing on a neo-liberalization thrust in trade, investment and the financial sector and the deregulation and privatization of nationalized industries. Often the conditionalities are attached without due regard for the borrower countries’ individual resulting in the loss of a state’s authority to govern its own economy as national economic policies are predetermined under The World Bank and its International Monetary Fund packages. These “packages” have negative social outcomes such as reduced investment in public health and education, but still have sufficient capital expenditure beneficial to local compradors, industrial-capitalists and later ruling regimes’ ethnocapital as well as definitely monopoly-capitalists globally.

We may also can have a premise where a country is poor because it was previously so poor that it could not save and invest as once justified by Jeffrey Sachs (2005) primarily ‘Poverty itself is the cause of economic stagnation.’

But the “low saving rate” whatever accumulated surplus had already expropated by colonial masters, (see Amin and Calwell; Utsa Patnaik and Prabhat Patnaik; Samir Amin; Andrè Gunter Frank)

Sach’s premise followed closely to the vicious circle theory as presented by Ragnar Nurkse in his 1953 book- The Problems of Capital Formation in Underdeveloped Countries – where poverty perpetuates itself in mutually reinforcing vicious circles on both the supply and demand sides. In fact, low per capita income is both the cause and the effect of poverty whence, however, through settlement colonialism, and later within neo-colonialism, the wealth of nations had been expropriated many times again and again.

On the other had, Rosenstein-Rodan was of the opinion that a major indivisibility lies in infrastructure, such as power, transport and communications. This basic social capital should reduce costs to other industries. The IBRD (the former World Bank’s International Bank for Reconstruction and Development) encouraged a country like Malaysia to borrow large loans to construct these high-cost infrastructure, tied to “packages”, resulting to consequent indebtedness and a stagnant economy when the Asian Financial Crisis and Global Financial Crisis came visitings.

Then, we have Hischman’s view that low-income countries need a development strategy that spurs invest­ment decisions. He suggests that since physical resources and managerial skills and abilities are scarce in LDCs, a big push is sensible only in strategically selected industries within the economy. Growth is then likely to spread from one sector to another (similar to Rostow’s concept of leading and lagging sectors); thus, Malaysia went for industrialization, but with poor labour employment by TNCs, labour alienation and union bustings and an under-developed and unsettled peasantry.

According to Hirschman, agriculture does not necessarily would stimulate linkage formation so directly as other industries. However, it is not that accurate to say that exertion in Malaysia where large agrobusiness Big Farms are benefitting Caterpillar and John Deere. In the process, envisaged in the midst of the Vietnam war, the FELDA (Federal Land Development Authority) schemes is a corridor sanitarian to corral rural Malay communities with modern built-in infrastructure –  with clinics, schools, roads and bridges – ensuring subsistence dependence loyalty to the ruling class and a transnational corporation domain that is technological-based in FTZs and EFTZs to mop-up precarious labor (see Precarious Labor in Industrialization Capitalism and Precarious Labour in a Digitalised Economy; refer to Hao Qi, (Sept 2019), “Semi-proletarianization in a Dual Economy: the Case of China”, Review of Radical Political Economics, to forestall possible Urban-Agrarian collaboration and cooperation for revolutionary changes towards a new political economy in Malaysia.

3] NEO-IMPERIALISM UNDER MONOPOLY-CAPITALISM

That what is widely referred to as neoliberal globalization in the twenty-first century is in fact a historical product of the shift to global monopoly-finance capital or what Samir Amin calls the imperialism of “generalized-monopoly capitalism.”

Since the 1974-1975 recession, there was a growth rate slowdown in advanced capitalist economies with hurtful economic effects on the poorest countries. Scouting for wider markets to sustain capitalism, a proliferation of corporations begins setting up assembly lines across borders in different nations, especially the developing countries – the Global South – where in 2010, more than half of all foreign direct investment (FDI) went to third world and transition economies. With this strategic positioning in place, and world production dominated by a relatively few transnational corporations (TNC) exercising considerable monopoly power over states and labour, the migration towards the international concentration of capital clearly reflected on the work of Lenin (Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism, New York: International Publishers, 1939) and, on the other hand, confirms Amin’s imperialism of generalized-monopoly capitalism and Emmanuel’s  unequal exchange under Neo-Imperialism.

Jason Hickel, Dylan Sullivan and Huzaifa Zoomkawala contended in the New Political Economy published online: 30 Mar 2021 – that wealth drain from the Global South remains a significant feature of the world economy in the post-colonial era; rich countries continue to rely on imperial forms of appropriation to sustain their high levels of income and consumption. The Global North appropriated from the Global South commodities worth US$2.2 trillion in Northern prices that are enough to end extreme poverty 15 times over. Over the 1960–2018 period studied, the value drain from the Global South totalled US$62 trillion (constant 2011 dollars), or US$152 trillion when accounting for the Global South countries’ lost growth. Indeed, it is found that the appropriation through unequal exchange represents up to 7% of Global North’s GDP and 9% of Global South GDP.

During this era in imperialism of generalized-monopoly capitalism, there is a shift of manufacturing industry from the Global North to the Global South. In 1980 the share of world industrial employment of developing countries had risen to 52 percent; by 2012 this had increased to 83 percent. By 2013, 61 percent of the total worldwide inward flow of foreign direct investment (FDI) was in developing and transitional economies, up from 33 percent in 2006 and 51 percent in 2010.

Thus, by the twenty-first century imperialism is thus taking on a new, more developed phase related to the globalization of production and finance.

4] THE MARXISM PERSPECTIVE

The disparity in wealth-sharing can be perceived in another frame. A part of the imperialist rent remains in the peripheral country and is not transferred to the center, but constitutes rather a payment to local ruling classes for their roles in the globalization game. About $21 trillion of this global tribute, meanwhile, is currently parked abroad in tax-haven islands, “the fortified refuge of Big Finance”,  see  International Consortium of Investigative Journalists on their Fin-Tech files, and the Guardian,  “£13tn Hoard Hidden from Taxman by Global Elite” July 21, 2012, and Nicholas Shaxson, Treasure Islands (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011), 7.

Marx (1818-83) had professed that the capitalist system would – in the initial stage grow due to increased profit (surplus value which was the result of exploitation of labour) – but would also pro­vide funds for accumulation. Owing to the fact that since wages were pegged at the subsistence level, due to the existence of a huge reserve army of unemployed, the capitalists would suffer from a realisation crisis. They would not be able to realise the profits embodied in already produced goods. And, according to Marx, the under consumption of the masses is the root cause of all crises.

Inevitably, Neo-Imperial domain of monopoly-capitalism in international concentration of capital would give birth to the introduction of international monopoly-finance capital that ensues the emergence of financialization capitalism (see John Bellamy Foster, The Financialization of Accumulation, Monthly Review vol:62, issue 05 October 2010). Financialization capitalism becomes prominent because the TNCs are unable to find sufficient investment outlets for their huge economic surpluses from production, increasingly turn to speculation within the global financial sphere, (see John Bellamy Foster and Fred Magdoff, The Great Financial Crisis (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2009).

This historical trend is basically following the trend in the capitalism route to a pathway from monopoly-capitalism to neo-imperialism:

Firstly, with a slowing down of the overall rate of growth among developed countries in Global North, followed by secondly, the internationalisation of monopolistic transnational corporations (TNCs) especially crossing borders to third world countries in the Global South, and then the introduction of, and emergence in, the “capital accumulation process” or financialization capitalism

5] TOWARDS A SOCIALISM HORIZON

If one were to take on the classical theory of David Ricardo (1772-1823), then a pessimistic view about the possibility of sustained economic growth would also surface. For Ricardo, who expressed that with little continu­ing technical progress, growth was limited by scarcity of land. The major tenet of Ricardo’s underlying understanding lies with the law of diminishing returns.

The central theme in the diminishing returns concept is that owing to population growth and a fixed supply of land would threaten economic growth. Ricardo believed that only technical change or improved production techniques (which might not likely to happen) to avert, possibly temporarily, the operation of the law of di­minishing returns. Therefore, increasing capital was seen as the only way to offset this long-run threat.

However, any fall in the rate of capital accumulation would lead to eventual stagnation. Ricardian stagnation might result in a Marxian scenario, in which wages and investment would be maintained only if property were confiscated by society and payments to private capitalists and landlords stopped.

Marx, in fact, made certain predictions about the growth, maturity and stagnation of capital­ism. He predicted that the capitalist system would ultimately collapse for want of markets and would yield place to socialism.

Unfortunately, history has not obliged Marx. The year 1989 saw the collapse of socialism (especially in erstwhile USSR and its satellite countries) and with it the abandonment of the centralised planning system and the emergence of newborn post-socialist countries.

All these countries have embraced the market system which is now thought to be a more efficient mecha­nism for solving society’s economic problems, promoting faster economic growth and improv­ing the living standards of the people.

That is, until the financial crisis of 2007–2008, also known as the Global Financial Crisis (GFC 2007/8), that was of such a severe worldwide economic crisis until the present COVID-19 recession, that many economists considered this Ecological-Epidemiological-Economic crisis to be the most serious financial crisis since the Great Depression.

China, on the other hand, went the other way in 1989, when she went for market opening in terms of trade, but was much more cautious in terms of capital account liberalisation, adopting a strong developmental state and gradualism in policy implementation.

Between authoritarianism and the growing role of government under the post-war Keynesian philosophy, the neo-liberal ideology had idolised free markets, but ignored (politically) the growing negative effects of social inequality, climate change, human identity crisis in the face of insecurities from technological disruption, massive human migration and geopolitical rivalries as even Tan Sri Andrew Sheng, formerly of World Bank, Hong Kong Monetary Authority and Bank Negara Malaysia, now agreed.

The only way out of the impasse may be a proletariat and peasant revolution, say expropriating (FELDA) land and (ethnocractic) capital, and establishing a new regime based on collective effort, sharing of distributed wealth and the creed of the pre­dominance of interests of society over the interests of a selected ethnocapital few.


More MALAYSIAN MANUSCRIPTS


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FROM COLONIAL RACIAL CAPITALISM TO CLIENTEL ETHNOCAPITAL COLONIALISM

The history of capitalism, from the beginnings of British colonialism half a millennium ago to our present ruling regimes of using clientel-capitalism to colonialise the minds of the unrepresented destitutes in order to retain and sustain political power, immiserising countless rakyat2 land-settleless, and to continue impoverishing the poors in order for capitalism, specifically clientel ethnocratic capital – with political fabrication and economic entrenchment of the NEP construct (James Chin, 2016) which clearly divisive to the nation’s unity and sense of belonging (Lim Teck Ghee) – to exist and flourish, here’s a short perspective.

A few hundred years ago, colonial capital ploughing through our pristine forests opened up settlement plantations and mineral mines had brought about rubber latex and tin ores for new product consumption in the Global North. Under this imperial process, indenture labour and labour slavery were introduced to peninsula Malaya, Sarawak and British North Borneo:

The plantation system was based on the superexploitation of labour. Pay was so low that the English assistant Leopold Ainsworth wondered how the Tamil workers and their families could “possibly exist as ordinary human beings” on the wages paid on his boss’s Malayan plantation. In 1926, the cost of a Papuan indentured laborer was 20 percent of that of a white worker, 25 percent of that of an employed estate manager, and 10 percent of that of a white unskilled laborer. Racist humiliation, insult, and cruelty were part of the everyday lives of the coolies ( a humiliating term given to the local inhabitants ), while the pale-skin estate owner sipped at stengahs (whisky and sodas) clad in sweatstained khakis, summoning a “boy” with a teapot or gin bottle to the veranda at the end of another hot and humid day with the topee on his head.

Large-scale plantations supplied consumption commodities such as coffee, sugar, cotton, and tea – and the rubber latex tapped as rolls of caoutchouc  and balls of rubber – known as “niggerheads” from their alleged resemblance to the skulls of black people – arrived in Europe aboard returning slave ships where England had a 33 percent total share of the slave-trading in the caribbean West indies and North America; indeed, the Royal African Company, under the ruling arms of the British Crown, owned and controlled 90 percent of the African-slave share in 1690.

In the 15th century, the Roman Catholic Church divided the world in half, granting Portugal a monopoly on trade in West Africa and Spain the right to colonize the New World in its quest for land and gold. Pope Nicholas V buoyed Portuguese efforts and issued the Romanus Pontifex of 1455, which affirmed Portugal’s exclusive rights to territories it claimed along the West African coast and the trade from those areas. It granted the right to invade, plunder and “reduce their persons to perpetual slavery.” Queen Isabella invested in Christopher Columbus’s exploration to increase her wealth and ultimately rejected the enslavement of Native Americans, claiming that they were Spanish subjects. Spain established an asiento, or contract, that authorized the direct shipment of captive Africans for trade as human commodities in the Spanish colonies in the Americas. Eventually other European nation-states — the Netherlands, France, Denmark and England — seeking similar economic and geopolitical power joined in the trade, exchanging goods and people with leaders along the West African coast, who ran self-sustaining societies known for their mineral-rich land and wealth in gold and other trade goods. They competed to secure the asiento and colonize the New World. With these efforts, a new form of slavery came into being. It was endorsed by the European nation-states and based on race, and it resulted in the largest forced migration in the world: Some 12.5 million men, women and children of African descent were forced into the trans-Atlantic slave trade. The sale of their bodies and the product of their labor brought the Atlantic world into being, including colonial North America. In the colonies, status began to be defined by race and class, and whether by custom, case law or statute, freedom was limited to maintain the enterprise of slavery and ensure power.

Even after slavery was abolished, millions of people in the Global South still fell victim to the continuing worst of the “free” marketplace. Even after the Second World War, when decolonization led to the end of the so-called “Golden Age of Capitalism,” new liberal economics’ adventurers returned boldly to rob again the wealth of Global South. Even after post-independence, emerging clientel ethnocapitalism replaced colonial racial capitalism by enforcing drastic bad union-bursting labour measures on the working rakyat2, in an imputation of neo-colonialism; see also, Bhopal, University of North London; and STORM’s Rentier Capitalism in Accumulation, 2021).

In 1964, seven years after attaining independence from her colonial master, there were still some forty-odd British companies in the country with the rubber and tin industries accounting for 60% of the stock exchange capitalization; one-fifth of the value of tin output and almost one-quarter of the value of rubber estate output were owned by foreign accounts. British Guthrie corporation ultimate control would still be directed from London – until the Dawn Raid – while 49% of its Malaysian ownership were shared only locally. This agency house had re-invested less than RM$100 million (about then 12 million sterling pounds) since 1946. In 1970, the Malays yet formed the majority of poor, accounting for 74% of all poor households in Peninsular Malaysia; overall, poverty poor and inequality wealth distribution in the country go hand in hand:

Source: Martin Ravallion 15 April 2019

This new economics continuance after independence – the series of neoliberal economic development programs scripted with the assistance of the Development Advisory Service of Harvard (DASH) – laid the doomed foundation to a crisis after crises since: the Asian Financial Crisis of 1997, the dotcom crisis 2002, the Global Financial Crisis 2008, and the present Covid19 pandemic which is an Ecological-Epidemiological-Economic crisis covering so many sectors that we need to understand the construction of the unequal local situations and how by linking those compradore capitalism to the global system (Samir Amin, 2019) in the past and the clientel ethnocapitalism at present – where malay voters expect to, and rely on, patron-client relationships, nested within party machines, to benefit from distributive and development policies – we are beginning to see the transcendence of the capitalist system central to so many of our existing socio-economic problems, like:

source: Stagnated Economy, 2021

That capitalism fails as a good society is evident from a simple examination of its main features. What comes first in capitalism is not human development but privately accumulated profits by a tiny minority of the population. The most important implication is that although the middle 40 per cent and the bottom 50 per cent benefited significantly from economic growth, the Bumiputera in the top income groups (the top 1 per cent and the 10 per cent) benefited the most from economic growth :

source: (Khalid 2019)

When there is a conflict between profits and human development, profits take primal precedence. Just ask the unemployed, those underemployed toiling as drivers and delivery men in the Gig-economy jobs, the sick and infirm, the poor, and the racially marginalised.

A good society must be marked by three characteristics: social ownership of the means of production, social production controlled by workers, and satisfaction of communal needs and purposes.

IF the FELDA’S scheme has continued to expand its intake of new settlers not only in peninsula Malaysia but widely and wisely spreading forth to interior hinterlands not gone before; onto Sarawak and Sabah seeking out fresh frontiers never settled before, and had not corporatised as the Felda Gobal Venture (FGV) that bankrupted and demised its vision of social production to be controlled by the owner-settlers, and that had there be a full land reform plan like in Taiwan or south Korea so that the social ownership of productions belongs to communal needs and purposes – there would be equity in land distribution with property ownership together with equality sharing on wealth :

Land is a commodity in a Malay village; it is a “living” commodity. It has both a historical and a socio-economic value. It has a historical value in the sense that the cultivated territory as a whole tells the story of a settlement process for a given community, and each particular lot tells the story of a long line of individuals, of their efforts and their failures. Moreover, land has socio-economic aspects because it can and does circulate; it can be divided, taken away, accumulated, or rented, and as such it is a medium of communication between villagers. However, if he decides to move out of the scheme, he forfeits any right to the land, both plantation and house lot, as well as to the house itself.

As it is, through the ascendancy of ethnocracy in the 1970s and the bureaucratic rise of political Islam by 1980s, the overarching exertion of racial capitalism coupled withl an alliance of corporate capital in government linked companies (GLCs) with political clientielism, had taken a toll in the State of Nation’s politico-economic construction.

The racial capitalism arose not only in our country, but in worsen situations during colonial capitalism under imperial ventures by white feudal royalties, Mercantile merchants and their mercenaries as late as the early twentieth-century. Black radical thinkers such as Esther Cooper Jackson and W. E. B. Du Bois, to Oliver Cromwell Cox and Eric Williams, all the way to contemporaries like Ruth Wilson Gilmore all stated that racial capitalism is the mutually constitutive entanglements of racialised and colonial exploitation within the process of capital accumulation. According to this narrative, capitalism, as we know it today, would not have been possible if not for imperialism, colonialism, racial slavery, expropriation, and superexploitation. Capital accumulation would not be possible today if not for these ongoing monopoly-capital imperialistic developments. Our story of these world-systems rests upon on how imperialism and colonisation created a system of unequal exchange where the periphery – the Global South – is impoverished as it supplies grossly underpaid (and enslaved) racialised workers (from southern India and the Fujian and Guangzhou southern provinces of China as indenture labour and “coolies“, respectively), and the transformation process of extracted raw materials into finely finished products that enrich the core community in the Global North.

Such aspects of racial capitalism also highlight the centrality of race to capital accumulation. They maintain that capital and capitalist states secure profit maximization not simply by “rendering labour abstract,” as Karl Marx once theorized, but by tying profits to what Lisa Lowe called “the social production of difference,” including race, gender, and nationality, (Lisa Lowe, Immigrant Acts (Durham: Duke University Press, 1996).

Du Bois described both the racial and colonial character of global capitalism and how the incredible accumulation of capital was achieved through the superexploitation of the so-called darker races across the world and within the core. They were those dark and vast sea of human labour in China and India, the South Seas and all Africa; in the West Indies and Central America and in the United States — that great majority of mankind, on whose bent and broken backs rest today the foundation steels of modern industry — shares a common destiny. Under such darkened gloom, that human piece of labour is despised by colour and rejected as and by race. They are paid a wage below the level of living decently; driven, beaten, prisoned and enslaved in all but name, yet spawning the world’s raw material and luxury — cotton and wool, coffee, tea, cocoa, palm oil and rubber, fibres, spices, leather and silks, lumber, diamonds, jades, copper and rare earths. All these are harvested or mined, gathered and combined at prices lowest of the low, transformed through manufacturing processes, and transported through global commodity supply chains with high profitability gain. The resultant wealth is distributed and displayed as yet the basis of world power and universal dominion accompanied with armed arrogance impunity in Madrid and Paris, Berlin and Rome, London and New York. From the explicit exploitation of the dark and brown proletariats comes the Surplus Value filched from human beasts’ hearts and souls, which in cultured lands, Du Bois intoned, the Machine and harnessed Power veil and conceal, (E. B. Du Bois, Black Reconstruction in America 1860–1880 (1935; repr. New York: Free Press, 1992), 15–16):

source: Poverty Poors and Poor Poverty, 2021

Even Marxist feminists like Claudia Jones in the 1940s and many others today argue that Black women face a triple or interlocking oppression they argue, structure the exploitation of workers by elucidating how neither the induction to work nor the surplus value created by all workers is the same. In doing so, they specify why capitalist exploitation is more intensive and brutal for workers of colour. Through the structural and historical framework of racial capitalism, it is determined that capital accumulation depends on this global racialised division of labour and who would eventually be disproportionately impacted, (Claudia Jones, An End to the Neglect of the Problems of the Negro Woman! (New York: National Women’s Commission CPUSA, 1949; other FEMALE black Marxist writers; Jean Alt Belkhir; Intan Suwandi).

Then, in what ways has racial capitalism try to assist us to understand the global political economy in the present time of COVID-19? On one aspect, it has historicised the pandemic within the stretched arc of racial capitalism, and shows the mechanisms by which COVID-19 has exacerbated the already existing, structural racial and colonial inequalities that undergird the global economy. We just need to reflect on the racial prejudices on the Rohingyas, the Bangladeshis and even towards our Dayaks, Melanaus and  Kadazan-Dusun compatriots, whether at workplaces or in lockdown communities. Capital and the ethnocapital colonialism have imposed Federal governing state apparatus to deem non-bumi and other non-national labour “essential” to maximising and maintaining profits (see Ethnocratic HEGEMONY).        

All this while, the core consumption countries are calling on these racial workers both within their own countries and in the global periphery to ensure continued production and profits in almost every realm, thereby exacerbating racial and economic inequalities both within and between countries. At the same time, monopoly-capitalism states are further marginalizing these very workers from much needed social protections to cope with the impacts of COVID-19 on their health, income, and overall well-being, (Jomo). Finally, broadly and increasingly,  racial capitalism literature has illuminated why, despite these dire social and economic conditions, white supremacistic-attitude workers continue to refuse to join a multiracial antiracist movement for liberation from imperial and racial capitalist exploitation, whether in Global North, and more importantly, to support those in the Global South who are experiencing union busting throughout Southeast Asia, especially when capital accumulation has widened so enormously, (Hiatt Woods, “How Billionaires Saw Their Net Worth Increase by Half a Trillion Dollars During the Pandemic,” Business Insider, October 30, 2020; usatoday).

The uneven labour employment and unqualified endurement can be seen with the Second Malaysia Plan, 1971-1975, where it had proposed that 22% of the 495,000 new jobs to be created in peninsular Malaysia would be in the manufacturing sector. This means a three folds increase in employment in the manufacturing sector from the 1960 figure of 121,000 to 378,000 by 1975. Past performance had shown that the low employment absorption capacity in the manufacturing sector, especially in the pioneer companies; in fact, the manufacturing sector provided only 5,500 new jobs per year during 1966/67,(Lo Sum-Yee, The Development Performance of West Malaysia, 1955-1967, with special reference to the industrial sector, Heinemann, Kuala Lumpur, 1972, Chapter 7, pp.66-73 and E.L. Wheelwright, Industrialisation in Malaysia, University of Melbourne Press, 1965, Chapter 4, pp.62-70).

The tendency is for these industrial groups which had matured quickly in terms of value-added where capital utilization rates were often high. The frequent argument that the textiles, electronics and ship-building industries are labour-intensive needs not necessary be true, as a survey of the 1968 Manufacturing Industries Census revealed that the electrical appliances ranked 22nd, the textile 36th and ship-building 44th in a group totaling of 112 industries in terms of capital-intensity by sector,(W. Donald McTaggart,  Industrialisation in West Malaysia, 1968, Center for Asian Studies, Arizona State University, January 1972, Table 4, p.32), and where the surplus value is highest at the R&D design and development phases and in the marketing and post-sales support stages:

source: Digital Knights, Surfing Serfs, 2021

Even in the much endowed electronic industry, implanted behind free-trade zones  employing female workers at US 40 cents per hour, but created only 12,000 new jobs in 1973. Indeed, the labour intake in these run-away factories is reaching its maximum input for productive efficiency compared to other Southeast Asian countries. On electronic assembly plant, Indonesia leads in cheap off-shore production; labour cost for a 1000-person plant is estimated at US$ 505,000 (assuming a semi-skilled is paid US$25 per month), Thailand at US$561,000 (labour cost US$42/month), and Hong Kong, the most expensive – US$1,815,000 (labour cost US$118 per month), (as referenced in Electronic International, April 4th. 1974, p.66). The profit margin like Apple which has major outsourced units in the country like Murata Manufacturing Co., Renesas Electronics Corp. and Ibiden Co., which make chips and circuit boards for the corporation, its surplus value on a particular product line is exemplified by it’s high profit margins versus its labour costs:

source: MR Online, February 2021

Meanwhile, Apple Inc has asked its major suppliers to assess the cost implications of moving 15%-30% of their production capacity from China to Southeast Asia as it prepares for a restructuring of its supply chain and labour arbitrage advantages, according to a Nikkei Asian Review report.

What Costas Lapavitsas,  Financialised Capitalism: Crisis and Financial Expropriation,  Historical Materialism 17 (2009), School of Oriental and African Studies, London) had stated is truism: when financialization capitalism reared its ugly head by the 1980s, the ensuing  financialization of Malaysian capitalism led to the emergence of a new politics of debts, and it also coincides with rising levels of household indebtedness. It reconfigures society where share ownership and shareholder value take preeminence, a growing influence from capital market-based financial system, the further entrenchment of the political rentier class power as well as the polarization of wealth and income, and the explosion of financial innovation and trading that led an economy more towards “speculation” than the engenderment of production to be equally shared by rakyat thus increasing government debts in the process – one asks whether private finance can really serve humanity (Jomo, 2020).

This situation is further compounded since 2003 whence the corporate bond market has reached an unprecedented size of RM$190 billion, while similarly since 1999 the total private sector bonds outstanding have surpassed that of public sector bonds (Bank Negara, 2007). This expansion of bond finance favours bigger corporations linked to the government (whereby the GLCs board members are constituents as clientel ethnocapitals) – and concurrently, an expanded  circulation of new debt papers :

that became one of the many other factors that inevitably and eventually indebted the nation now, see Stagnated Economy:

source: Sudhdave 2020

Therefore, the most enduring socio-economic and clientel ethnocapital colonialism issues in Malaysia are those related to the bumiputera and non-bumiputera term and the dichotomy, the compartmentalisation and polarity that has resulted since the term was introduced into the nation’s political lexicon and life. The contrived term and dichotomy was a deliberate and opportunistic strategy of the political and policy leadership to create a new political taxonomy to manage and control the political-administrative workings and socio-economic development of the country, and with the NEP to prioritise “UMNOputra” interests and dominance, predominantly and specifically to entrench bumiputera clientel ethnocapitalism.

In Sarawak, there is an emergence of a Second Class of Bumiputera. The promise of New Economic Policy (NEP) introduced by the federal government in the 1970s which was supposed to help the Bumiputera population in East Malaysia appears to only benefit what is locally known as the MB – the Muslim Bumiputera whereas local muslims are regarded as the second-class Bumiputera – rather than all are, and should be, a Bumiputera.

Further, although the Orang Asli are the original, indigenous peoples of Malaysia, they have been largely excluded from the country’s economic growth of recent decades. Rather than protect this marginalized community, state officials and private agencies regularly exploit the Orang Asli and their ancestral lands for corporate capital advantage.

It has to be noted that of the 18,858 applications from the Ibans wanting to join the Federal civil service, only 24 were accepted while only one out of the 617 Orang Asli who had applied was accepted (Bernama, 11 December 2006). Indeed, at the state level, most of the senior positions are held by Muslim Bumiputera.

The long-term consequence of such political marginalisation is the taming of Kadazandusun and Dayak leaders through the elimination of their political power stronghold, and constituent bases, by forcing Kadazandusun and Dayak leaders in the then federal ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) cliques to be ‘yes-men’. Not unlike the Dayak in Sarawak, the Bajaus and Muruts in Sabah shall also may never hope to win political power on their own under such dominant control of clientel ethnocapital colonialism.

Whereas Colonial Capitalism exploited, and expropriated wealth of nation, the post-independence Clientel ethnoCapitalism pursues the underdevelopment of states and spoils country by siphoning the national wealth through 1MDB and other corrupted practices with grandstand lootings and a completely mismanagement of the political-economy that likely than not there would not be a growth path trajectory towards a high income economy for the next twenty years to come by.



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TOP GLOVE BOTTOM BONDAGE – TYING MODERN SLAVERY IN MONOPOLY-CAPITAL LABOUR ARBITRAGE

PROLOGUE

Not too long ago, during a time of pre-covid19, and in a place not too far away, a country exported 182 billion glove pieces annually that constitute her 65% global market share. The US consumes 150 glove pieces per capita, Italy 123 pieces, Japan 54 pieces, and China a comparatively six pieces from this glove production place.

Quoting Giovanni Arrighi, one may say that ‘the spread of industrialization appears not as a development of the semi-periphery but as peripheralization of industrial activities’ .

1] INTRODUCTION

In a globalised world, the commodity production often resides in Global South whereas the consumption, and the capital financialisation of its production, comes from the Global North.

With the restructuring of monopoly capital on a worldwide scale, which has somewhat given contemporary imperialism a new face and direction (Suwandi, Jonna and Foster, 2019), the way by which global monopolies at the center of a world economy have captured the value generated by labour in the periphery on an unequal exchange basis, monopoly-capitalism is basically getting more labour in exchange for less pay. The inevitable resultant outcome is a change in the global structure of industrial production while maintaining, and often intensifying, the global structure of exploitation and value transfer.

A company like Top Glove where its workers produce 16,000 gloves per capita daily or 200 million natural and synthetic rubber gloves a day when the 44 factory-plants are operating 24 hours a day in three shifts.  It is churning out single-unit gloves destined for community health clinics and medical suites, pharmaceutical chemists and hospitals all over the world, besides the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA). On 18th August 2020, Top Glove Corp Bhd becomes the second most valuable stock on Bursa Malaysia, having displaced Public Bank Bhd. The gap between Top Glove and the local bourse’s No. 1 Malayan Banking Bhd (Maybank) is narrowing. Top Glove captures 26% of the world market share for rubber gloves, and aims to capture 30% of the world market by year-end 2020.

However, at this juncture of an Ecological-Epidemiological-Economic catastrophe in our country, labour advocates had called out that coronavirus has fuelled unfair employment and ‘union-busting’ at factories across Southeast Asia where Global North retailers have cancelled orders or demanded discounts from suppliers in Malaysia, Myanmar, Thailand, Cambodia and the Philippines, leading to many workers going without pay or being sacked. Major brands, including carmaker BMW and fashion label Zara, are investigating reports of mass sackings of union workers in their supply chains.

It is not surprising that many transnational corporations are targeting – and firing – union members while keeping on non-unionised workers, and the continuing outbreak is spurring rollback of rights on issues from decent pay to safe workplaces.

Sunstar Engineering – based near Bangkok – confirmed that the sackings happened but denied singling out unionised workers. The factory has listed Honda, Yamaha, Harley-Davidson, General Motors and Isuzu among its global buyers.

This comes at a time when about 2.5 billion people – more than 60% of the world’s workforce – are informal workers, leaving them particularly at risk of being underpaid, overworked and abused, the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) revealed.

No one wanted to leave the union, but it was a matter of survival,” labour unionist Phacharee told the Thomson Reuters Foundation.

2] LAND DEFORESTATION AND LABOUR ARBITRAGE

It has to be said that capitalism since the late 1980s, even as the world is engulfed in an epoch of catastrophe capitalism, is manifesting today in the convergence of (1) the planet’s ecological crisis, (2) the global epidemiological crisis, and (3) the unending world economic crisis. Adding to these unpleasantries of an “empire of chaos,” is the extreme system of imperialist exploitation unleashed by the linkages in the global commodity chains, see Intan Suwandi, Value Chains: The New Economic Imperialism, Monthly Review 2019.

Suwandi shows how multinational corporations use global labour arbitrage to create “global labour value chains” to protect their profit margins, so that supposedly decentralised global production is associated with the growing concentration of profits and economic power.

Another way of putting it is that with the difference in average wages between advanced economies and the rest being very much greater than differences in productivity. This points to higher rates of surplus value being created in the economic ‘periphery’, compared to the imperialist ‘core’. Suwandi’s argument is that it is the structural power of multinationals which enable them to enforce a regime upon production in dependent economies which propel the transfer of very significant quantities of value into their hands, through ‘labour-value commodity chains’ (p.17).

This is where our local corporate capitalists are connecting these nodes of land ecological destruction and labour deprivation. Capital interests – whether private or public in the form of government-link companies (GLCs) – support and fund development, and production-induced changes in land use especially as big estate-plantations like IOI Plantations and Boustead, and the Federal Land Development Authority (FELDA) slashing away pristine forestry to cultivate oil palms or rubber or durians resulting in disease emergence in developing and underdeveloped parts of the world. For instance, there are some transnational-based nations known as the “Soybean Republics” ranging across south America in countries like Bolivia, Paraguay, Argentina, and Brazil where their emergence has the resultant changes in ownership and control of national economies and a new geography of transnational land pooling and real estates’ leasing.

In straddling across national borders, these “commodity countries,” with an organisational flexibly and dexterity in transborder crossing ecologies and political boundaries, are inevitably introducing new epidemiologies accomplished by the circuitry of capital infusion.

Owing to an unequal ecological exchange – by redirecting the worst damage from Big Farms’ industrial agriculture in the Global North to the Global South virgin hinterlands – it has also encouraged developing national government in stripping local resources led by government-link companies (GLCs) latching onto imperial ventures (taking over titleless cultivators land or opening up FELDA frontier-plantations but indebting the settlers or settleless communities in Sabah and Sarawak still unsettled after their timberland has been deforested by commercial loggers). They venture onto new large-scale projects but with scopes ill-defined (a high-speed long-distance railways like the East Coast Rail Line or a Malacca  mega-port or a megacity like Bandar Malaysia). They commodify land usage into a Kulim-like industrial technological park or an oilpalm township into a Cyberjaya multimedia city where kampung or Felda youth are encouraged or even induced to migrate to stay-in to work for a pitiful earning.

Migrated rural youth are bonded into digital infrastructural platforms surviving not unlike their foreparents tapping rubber in estates, but as modern digital slaves.

The plantation system was based on the super-exploitation of labour. Pay was so low that the English assistant Leopold Ainsworth once wondered how the Tamil workers and their families could “possibly exist as ordinary human beings” on the wages paid on his boss’s Malayan plantation. In 1926, the cost of a Papuan indentured laborer was 20 percent of that of a white worker, 25 percent of that of an employed estate manager, and 10 percent of that of a white unskilled laborer.
In fact, the percentage of surplus value gained by Top Glove is exactly similar to labour’s added value but expropriated by such TNCs like Apple, Nike, Swedish retailer Hennes & Mauritz and Spice Girl’s T-shirt under Global North monopoly-capital system.
(see MR Online, 8th. February, 2021).

The central argument is that the surplus value – the added value created by workers in excess of their own labor-cost – is being appropriated by the manufacturing producers and the new share-trading financial capitalists as source of profits, (Marx, The Capital, chapter 8).

3] INDENTURED LABOUR AS ORPHANS OF THE EMPIRE

As Top Glove’s main raw material is latex, we have to tell the story of rubber which is inextricably interwined with the onset of British colonialism, rise of local mercantile-capitalism, and perpetuated with neo-imperialism, and continue in modernity as part and parcel of financialization capitalism in the country.

British colonists introduced rubber to the then Federated States of Malaya in the 1870s, and the plant – originally from the Brazilian Amazon forest – survives in the country’s hot and humid climate marvelously to quickly becoming a major export industry. It gave rise to the emergence of British agency houses (like the Sime Darby, Guthrie, Harrisons and Crosfield financially supported by the Standard Charted and the Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank) to own and control the plantations, besides acting as the intermediaries by sending these rolled rubber sheets to England’s manufacturing plants.

The tale of how one Henry Wickham who stole the Brazilian rubber clones is one of the romantic legends of the British Empire. By his own account, in 1876 Wickham collected over 70,000 hevea seeds from the forests along the Tapajós River. Then, he smuggled the seeds to Joseph Hooker, the eminent botanist who served as director of the Royal Botanic Gardens, London.

With western colonialism in motion, Britain’s ‘forward movement’ in Malaya after the 1870s resulted in the country’s greater integration into the international economy that greatly assisted to facilitate the production of mineral and agricultural commodities. Concurrently, labour migration became a fundamental component of Malaya’s economic growth model, and the associated illed social structures that followed.

Modern days Malaysia’s plantations give glove manufacturers easy access to a crucial raw material: the oozed white sap known as latex or Devil’s Milk – a name given owing to the harsh and misery environment where exploitative tappers worked in the Amazon and Africa (John Tully, The Devils Milk: A Social History of Rubber, NYU Press, Monthly Review Press 2011).

Although so-called natural rubber gloves today make up less than half the market, partly because of some personal allergic skin reactions, Malaysia’s large oil industry, with Petronas at the forefront, provides local glove manufacturers ample supplies of the petrochemicals needed to make synthetic components to produce nitrile rubber, a nitrile-containg polymer used in latex-free laboratory and medical gloves.

Capital, as Marx once wrote, comes into the world “dripping from head to foot, from every pore, with blood and dirt” , and the deep alienation of human beings from their environment in the form of a “metabolic rift” – the ecological disruption in their interrelations with nature as stated by John Bellamy FosterMarx’s Ecology (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2000), ix.

With colonialism in place, the tropical regions saw the expansion of industrial methods of farming that reflected the mass production industries of the British industrial heartlands where men and women spent their lives in Dickensian factories to transform rolls of rubber sheets into pneumatic tyres or similar rubberized end-products. Other large-scale plantations supplied commodities such as coffee, sugar, cotton, and tea – and the rubber latex tapped as rolls of caoutchouc and balls of rubber – known as “niggerheads” from their alleged resemblance to the skulls of black people – arrived in Europe aboard returning slave ships. This was also an era whence the British Empire controlled 33 percent share of the premier slave-trading total in Africa and the Caribbean’s West Indies. The British populace marveled at the rubbery latex for its properties of stretch and bounce, unaware or uncare of the human bondage as the driving force of this abject and horrific imperial practice residence in her own racially conflicted and class-ridden society. In tropical Malaya then, forests were cleared to plant rows after rows of rubber trees seen parading, by the sides of the North-South highway, along present day peninsular Malaysia.

The development of the rubber industry, thus reinforced the connections, and the ensuing contradictions, between Indian labour immobility and capital movement. Indeed, both the Indian and Malayan colonial administrations colluded strategically in planning and organising Indian labour migration to Malaya.

Since rubber cultivation and latex tapping necessitated a large, cheap and “disciplined” workforce that had to be settled and organised to work under pioneering conditions in the country, British India with its teeming poverty-stricken millions and caste-ridden society was the preferred provider for this labour to serve the British colonial capital that properly appropriated the economic surplus that materially and substantially aided their own industrial transition from the eighteenth century onward, (Mohamed Amin and Malcolm Caldwell, Malaya: The Making of a Neo-Colony, Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation, 1977; and Monsoons STORM).

The outlook is particularly gloomy for the then Malaya’s marginalised South Indian plantation workers who became “orphans of empire” that are minutely documented by Amarjit Kaur‘s account of Indian migrant workers in Malaysia part 2, in newmandala and Prakash C. Jain, Exploitation and reproduction of migrant Indian labour in colonial Guyana and Malaysia.

After Amarjit wrote her articles in newmandala, there were poignant letters from family members in south India writing to the Australian academic website seeking, with scarce personal information, forgotten relatives who were shipped to British Malaya and had became orphans of the Empire.

4] LABOUR BONDAGE UNDER MONOPOLY-CAPITAL

Before the advent of modern day slavery, during Western colonialism era, Britain, as stated, controlled 33% of the global of slave-trading; indeed, the Royal African Company, under the reigning arms of the Crown, once held a hefty 90% share of the African slavery in 1690.

The transnational corporations nowadays often than not to openly exercise their ‘collective’ power to pressure national governments to implement business-friendly labour control. During the 1970-2000 Malaysia industrialisation period, TNCs semiconductor firms like Harris, AMD and Motorola were collaborating with Henry Kissinger (then an inward investment advisor to the Indonesian Government) and Jack Welsh of GE and the AFL-CIO in meddling the industrial actions by Malaysian labour by blatantly indulging in union busting (see Bhopal, University of North London).

Also, in response to the increasing number of labour disputes in Korea in 2003, the Seoul Japan Club, an association of Japanese TNCs in Korea, publicly expressed a strong concern that ‘the labour-friendly intervention of Korea’s new government would undermine Korea’s policies to attract foreign investment as well as the image of Korea in the world market’ (Chosun Daily 30 May 2003). 

Indeed, the fact that corporations are free to move to alternative EPZs (an Export Processing Zone is a customs-clearing site where the importation of plant, machinery, equipment and material for the manufacture of export goods under security, without payment of duty, is allowed), the greatest fear to labour movement organisation is foreign-invested firms. It is increasingly clear that TNCs shall solicit government intervention on behalf of firms whenever there are workers’ struggles. The intense competition between countries to attract, and host, more capital by offering favourable conditions greatly boosts the mobility of capital than labour employment, pursuant to reports:
Militant Unionism Kicks out Foreign Investment and Drives National Economy into Collapse (Chunganag Daily, 25 and 26 August, Chosun Daily 26 August, Donga Daily 26 August).

In fact, Nestlé Korea has recorded an average US$1.8 billion net annual profit since 1997, from a US$1.47 billion capital investment. Instead of rewarding the workers whose weekly working hours reached over 50 hours per week, management outsourced its sales department in 2003 and threatened to dismiss its sales workers.
In response to the union’s strike against company restructuring, the chairman of Nestlé Korea said, “It is general practice of MNCs that they relocate the production lines to the neighbouring countries offering favourable business conditions. If we understand these characteristics and behaviour of MNC’s operation practices, it is absolutely an illusion to believe permanent [sic] production facilities in Korea when the current situation continues and repeats. As Korean manager [sic], it is very regrettable that trade union leaders underestimate this problem.” (KCTU 2003).

The fact that Nesclè Korea can recoup its investment within a year in not unrealistic because in many developing countries in the 1970s were enticing monopoly-capital where, for example in Malaysia, there is even a capital allowance scheme for building and plant expenditures incurred, and when incorporated with the accelerated depreciation allowance incentive, companies will virtually have 90% of eligible capital expenditure completely written off within 5 years.

Sri Lanka, a country across the South China Sea on the Indian Ocean, highly reliant on the same products for export as South Korea, faces a similar situation. This leads monopoly-capital to desperately attempt to secure a stable basis for exploitation. Typically, it has become a competition among corporation rivals to attract more investment so the country has become a ‘race-to-the-bottom’ of the worst labour conditions among this category of labour-depressed,  and oppressed, countries. 

In another country-case study, to make garment-producing firms to remain by reinvesting their earnings to finance further industrialisation is by attracting more new investment. This has been one great concern for the Cambodian government, which has no other sources of foreign currency.

In the competition for labour, Shiv Dave, founder of Televisory, a Singapore-based consultancy said that the Malaysia’s rubber glove industry reliant on migrant labour from countries such as Indonesia, Nepal, Bangladesh, and Myanmar would be testing industry players’ abilities. Since 2019, the country’s manufacturing sector has been experiencing acute labour shortages after the government imposed stricter labour requirements and cracked down on foreign workers without work permits.

With migrant workers under repressive colonial-enacted labour legislations that have not changed except with additional legal preferences to the corporate owners and transnational corporations, the precarious labour conditions in Malaysia persist.

This glove industry’s raise to global dominance has created a huge need for foreign workers, leading to controversy over their treatment. The US government had once barred imports of the products from two Top Glove units due to “reasonable evidence of forced labour.

Guardian investigation reported that two giants in rubber glove production, Top Glove and WRP, were allegedly subjecting migrant workers from Nepal and Bangladesh to excessive overtime of up to 160 hours a week, “unsafe” factory conditions, confiscated passports, high recruitment fees that kept them in debt bondage and, in the case of WRP, salaries withheld for months.

For instance, workers from Bangladesh alleged that they had paid recruitment fees of up to 20,000 Malaysian ringgit (£3,700) and workers from Nepal said they had paid up to RM$7,000  (£1,300) to agents in their home countries to come to work for Top Glove in Malaysia. In a statement, Top Glove denied imposing recruitment fees higher than 20% of the workers’ salary, and said it complied with local laws. However, it was even alleged that their salaries were withheld for up to three months at a time. 

The Thomson Reuters Foundation reported, in December 2018, that workers in Top Glove have worked excessive overtime and in some cases exceed the legal limit to help clear debts to recruitment agents.

The exposè prompted investigations by the British government after it found some Top Glove supplies had been used in its hospitals, and by Australian rubber giant Ansell, (theedgemarkets February 01, 2019).

Both Top Glove and WRP were found to be producing medical gloves for brands sold by NHS Supply Chain, the organisation which supplies about 40% of the British National Health Service (NHS) products. NHS Supply Chain has confirmed to the Guardian that it is investigating the allegations. The company has a code of conduct to prevent any forced labour or modern slavery conditions in its supply chain.

In a statement, the Department of Health said: “In line with the government’s policy and leadership on modern slavery, we take any allegations of this kind incredibly seriously and are working with NHS Supply Chain to ensure that these issues are investigated as a matter of urgency.

5] MONOPOLY-CAPITAL ENTANGLEMENT WITH LABOUR

Monopoly-capitalism follows capitalism. Monopoly capitalism is the stage of capitalism which dates from approximately the last quarter of the nineteenth century and reaches full maturity in the period after the Second World War.

It is the concentration and centralization of capital:

(1) Monopolistic organization gives capital an advantage in its struggle with labour, hence tends to raise the rate of surplus value and to make possible a higher rate of accumulation.

(2) With monopoly (or oligopoly – where a state of limited competition, in which a market is shared by a small number of producers or sellers) prices replacing competitive prices, a uniform rate of profit gives way to a hierarchy of profit rate – highest in the most concentrated industries, lowest in the most competitive. This means that the distribution of surplus value is skewed in favour of the larger units of capital which characteristically accumulate a greater proportion of their profits than smaller units of capital, once again making possible a higher rate of accumulation.

(3) On the demand side of the equation, monopolistic industries – typically a market structure characterized by a single seller, selling a unique product in the market – adopt a policy of slowing down and carefully regulating the expansion of productive capacity in order to maintain their higher rates of profit.

The consequences of monopoly mean that the savings potential of the system is increased, while the opportunities for profitable investment are reduced. Other things being equal, therefore the level of income and employment under monopoly capitalism is lower than it would be in a more competitive environment.
Monopoly-capital in seeking cheap agricultural pastures and arbitrage of labour costs is redefining and reimaging the global commodity supply chain in the distribution of its final product. The twenty-first century monopoly-capitalism is scooping returns accruing from land and investment on real estates, from natural resources and long-term commodity contracts. This core feature of economic imperialism cascading through an intensed transformative quality of organization and dominance of monopoly capital, the rampage of peripheral countries’ natural resources is paramount and intense.

By 2010, 79 percent of the world’s industrial workers lived in the Global South, compared to 34 percent in 1950 and 53 percent in 1980, (Smith, Imperialism in the Twenty-First Century, p.101).

The consequences of monopoly-capitalism entanglement with labour is that the exploitation of surplus value of labour wages is most intense. Labour could also be deprived of adequate working conditions or accommodation.  In late 2020, the teratai cluster of Covid19 infections found among Top Grove workers living in the company’s unhealthy staff dormitories in Meru, Kelang is a testimony to willingness of corporate capital producing for monopoly-capitalism in the Global North yet ignoring basic workers’ rights in proper shelter provision in furtherance of exploitation for higher profit.

The Health director-general Tan Sri Dr Noor Hisham Abdullah – affectionately known as the Dr. Fucci of Malaysia – warned of the risk of community infection related to the second generation of infections in the teratai cluster as many more positive cases were detected outside the Enhanced Movement Control Order (EMCO) area.

Whereas the country is caring for the well health being of distant wealthy countries, her healthcare provision is that of inadequate services. It is a nation where the government wears three hats: as a public healthcare service-provider, a controller over privatised hospitals and itself investing in operating private medical hospitals and pharmaceutical companies.

When the members of the National Union of Workers in Hospital Support and Allied Services, or NUWHSAS, were arrested while protesting outside the public hospital in Ipoh, Perak, these members are contracted by the UEMS Edgenta Berhad healthcare support company, which manages the hospital; UEMS is an offspring of rentier capitalism in the country infused with oligarchs’ cronies that are engendered by clientelism (Weiss 2020) which has embedded in, and integral to, political offices where dominant intermediaries become the providers and funders of capital, other than the state itself, and through local level ties with highly personal connections have partisan linkages to capital financialization, (newmandala, October 2020).

UEMS Edgenta had embarked on purported union-busting tactics such as denying proper PPE equipment for union members. Union members also claimed that they were allegedly denied the monthly special government allowance worth RM600 (US$140) meant for frontline workers, and were instead given a one-off cash token worth RM300.

Back in Myanmar, Myan Mode – the Yangon factory that supplies to Mango and Zara retailers – agreed in principle to rehire hundreds of other fired union members when business picks up as and when the pandemic eases.

According to the Solidarity Centre, “It’s a mild victory but it’s remarkable how hard the brands fought against what is a very clear case of union busting,” said Andrew Tillet-Saks, the labour campaigner based in Myanmar. “It’s clear that the brands hold leverage,” he added. “The fact that they don’t step in immediately shows that their commitments to sustainability in the supply chain are nonsense.

We acknowledge an increased risk of union-busting during Covid-19 … (and) have therefore increased our due diligence,” said Morten Norlyk, a spokesman for the Danish retailer Bestseller in Myanmar.

Meanwhile, in the Philippines, the Covid19 pandemics is paving way for labour malpractices where some struggling companies are using Covid-19 fallout as an excuse not to give laid-off employees their entitlements.

It was reported by the Union of Catholic News that a worker came to the Union seeking for legal advice. After working for 27 years in her company, the worker could not work anymore because the company is closing 13 outlets in Manila and filing for bankruptcy. The company had asked her to sign a “voluntary resignation” letter to receive her salary for the whole year.

The Labour Code of the Philippines provides that an employer may terminate an employee for just causes.

Just cause includes serious misconduct or willful disobedience; gross and habitual neglect by an employee; fraud or willful breach of trust; criminal activity or other similar activities.

The Philippines Supreme Court once ruled that “resignation is the voluntary act of an employee who is in a situation where one believes that personal reasons cannot be sacrificed in favor of the exigency of the service, and one has no other choice but to dissociate oneself from employment.

In short, the unnamed worker’s “voluntary resignation” absolved the company from paying her severance which must be computed based on her number of years in the company. This worker merely received the salary for the entire year but not a single centavo to compensate her for 27 years in the company.

Whereas in Thailand, in order to control the spread of the COVID-19 pandemic, the Thai junta government announced an emergency decree which applies to all areas in Thailand from 26 March to 30 April 2020 (“Emergency Decree”) that on 28 April 2020 was extended until 31 May 2020 (“Emergency Decree Period”). Under the Emergency Decree, in pursuant of which is a notification of the Ministry of Labour’s referral of unsettled labour disputes to the labour relations committee for settlement and prohibition on employers to cause a lockout or employees to cause a strike during the period of the emergency situations in accordance with the laws on public administration in emergency situations.

“Clearly some employers believe they can take advantage of the Covid-19 pandemic and economic slowdown to violate workers and their rights with impunity,” said Robert Pajkovski, Thailand programme director at the Solidarity Centre, a US-based charity; see The Thai Labour Movement: Strength Through Unity.

Returning on the final journey home to Malaysia, the Human Resources Ministry had made amendments to the Labour Law, too, justifying that they were in line with the spirit of the International Labour Organisation’s (ILO) Convention 87 on Freedom of Association and Protection of the Right to Organise 1948, allowing a multiplicity of trade unions in an organisation.

However, with the new amendments, these unions, despite obtaining prior recognition, will need to go through another secret ballot to compete with rival unions for sole bargaining rights.

This will definitely create instability and split the union movement, not strengthen it. In fact,
employers and Human Resources Ministry can then promote their preferred unions.
Once a union has been voted in for sole bargaining rights, the remaining unions become defunct as they do not have the bargaining rights.

As such, the only logical reason behind the Human Resources Ministry push to create a multiplicity of unions is to create disharmony among unions to stop them from carrying out their roles effectively.

This is a clear case of state-sponsored union-busting and unfortunately the minister who is supposed to protect labour is, in reality, exploiting workers and unions by abusing his power,” so said J. Solomon, secretary-general of the Malaysian Trade Union Congress (MTUC).

Labour movement is becoming more challenging.

EPILOGUE



With bountiful of revenue-generated profits, Top Glove Corp Bhd is evaluating a plan for dual primary listing on the Hong Kong Stock Exchange (HKEx), in consideration of raising more than US$1 billion from the listing exercise.

According to Bloomberg data, earnings estimates would be at RM$8.26 billion for FY21 ending Aug 31, 2021, with Maybank IB Research analyst Lee Yen Ling’s forecast the highest at RM$11.22 billion, indicating an abundance of Top Glove’s operating cash flow that presents a profit extraction arbitrage opportunity for monopoly capital between the bourses in Malaysia and Hong Kong.

Knight Frank consultancy firm has estimated that Malaysia capital accumulation of wealth-creation is the 10th fastest in the world – with the mean income of RM$7,901 in 2019 – the 2020 wealth report projected that the number of Malaysians with more than US$30 million will swell by 35 per cent between 2019 and 2024, compared with 2 per cent between 2018 and 2019. The CEO of Top Glove had become one of the five new billionaires in the country within the year.

A Global South corporate capital in collaboration with monopoly-capitalists in the Global North has joined the league of industrial tycoons in taking the financialization capitalism route towards capital accumulation by being a top glover binding labour in arbitrage under monopoly-capitalism bondage.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Aliran:
https://m.aliran.com/aliran-csi/aliran-csi-2017/history-labour-movement-malaysia/

Jomo K. Sundaram:
https://www.networkideas.org/news-analysis/2021/02/road-to-hell-paved-with-good-intentions/

https://www.thesundaily.my/opinion/caught-in-a-tangled-web-of-vaccine-nationalism-FM6493304

Monsoons STORM:
https://monsoonsstorms.wordpress.com/2021/02/02/covid19-and-the-circuitry-of-capital/

https://monsoonsstorms.wordpress.com/2021/01/06/breaking-the-glass-screen-framing-monopoly-capitalism-in-global-commodity-chains/

Monthly Review:

https://monthlyreviewarchives.org/index.php/mr/article/view/MR-072-03-2020-07_9

Rob Wallace, Alex Liebman, Luis Fernando Chaves and Rodrick Wallace in Monthly Review, 1st. May, 2020; and Rob Wallace Big Farms Make Big Flu:Dispatches on Infectious Disease, Agribusiness, and the Nature of Science: https://monthlyreview.org/product/big_farms_make_big_flu/

Newmandala:
https://www.newmandala.org/aliens-in-the-land-indian-migrant-workers-in-malaysia-part-2/

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RENTIER CAPITALISM IN ACCUMULATION

1] INTRODUCTION

Capitalism is a system that pursues accumulation and growth for its own sake, whatever the consequences. It is driven by the focused goal of business strategies. Capitalism dictates how much production to appropriate, which capital might generate less incentives for production and which capital accumulation approach to undertake for ever-greater accumulation of capital.

By accumulation, we shall refer broadly to the process of wealth creation through productive
or unproductive investments in productive or unproductive sectors. The accumulation of capital, we mean an increase in assets from investments or profits. The goal is to increase the value of an initial investment to a return on that investment, whether through appreciation, rent, capital gains, interest or under-the-table money.

Rentier capitalism incorporates those aspects of capital and its accumulation process, including increasingly the spectres of financialization capitalism. With globalisation, rentier capitalism attaches to the neo-imperial monopoly capitalism and its link to the global commodity chain dimension because of the multiple roles of rent intermediaries between capital and its accumulation.

[ A fuller exploration on CAPITALISM – defining capital, capital accumulation, monopoly-capitalism, commodity value chain, labour arbitrage, financialization capitalism and elements of rent aspects – is available HERE ]


2] RENTIER CAPITALISM

Rentier capitalism is dominated by a few wealthy companies and individuals with access to key scarce assets (such as land, natural resources, financial means, licences, intellectual properties and digital platforms) and, in doing so, siphoning national wealth without societal care nor contributions to rakyat2 wellbeing.

The twenty-first century rentiers are everywhere, scooping returns accruing from natural resources, investments, from land, from housing, monopolistic utilities, consumer credit, long-term contracts and infrastructural platforms’ data. The core feature of rentier capitalism is the resurgent capitalistic power that spans cultivated resources, fossil fuels, mined resources, finance, housing and the public sector out-sourcing rackets that generated surplus values being expropriated.

Rentier capitalism needs also be understood as part of political clientelism where over time, “citizens came to expect and rely on patron-client relationships, nested within party machines, albeit reinforced by carefully structured distributive and development policies”, (Meredith L. Weiss, The Roots of Resilience: Party Machines and Grassroots Politics in Southeast Asia, Cornell University Press and the National University of Singapore Press, 2020, p.76), where clientelism is the feature of Malaysian politics, fostered forcefully by the BN and UMNO ruling elites, whence even opposition parties had began to replicate that behaviour, too.

The central outcome of rentier capitalism is introduction of economic inequality and injustice in the country thus deepening the class power struggle within.

3]  DIMENSIONS OF RENT

With the emergence, and spike of, a COVID-19 pandemic, the confluence of ecological-epidemiological-economict crises has exposed the failures across health care systems, working conditions, product and food supply chains, the breadth of inequality, systemic racism and religious intolerance.

Examples of rentier capitalism can be seen in extracting dues from FELDA schemes indebting settlers; expropriation of oil concessions either benefitting TNCs or local compradore-capitalist; the financialization capitalism of unit trusts with the circuitry of capitalism affecting ordinary households; landlords squeeze on industrial workers, ripping them off as tenants; back-door regime factions fighting for Covid19 vaccine franchise and distribution; government allocating stimulus packages to private hospitals and pharmaceutical companies; GLCs extracting land dues from landless farmers,  unlicensed cultivators or unsettled settlers; public sector out-sourcing rackets in processing contaminated halal meat.

4] We shall casually cruise through the case themes, with elaborated perspectives discussed in highlighted links elsewhere.

a) FELDA

The FELDA agency was once tasked with giving land and plantation crops to the rural folks within a settlement colonialism regime, but expired with its corporatisation as Felda Global Venture (FGV) when corporate capital siphoned off settlers’ investment dues, and indebted its main beneficiaries – the FELDA settlers and their generations that followed.

b) PETROLEUM EXTRACTION

When these initial concessions were made, the country granted a 5- 20 years prospecting rights, and only acted as a tax-collector on the oil extracted. An agreement signed with Mobil Malaysia Exploration Company on 25th. January 1971, for instance,  the ruling regime received an undisclosed sum in bonuses before granting Mobil the rights to explore for oil for 40 years in the Straits of Malacca: 12,500 square miles off the coast of Kedah, Penang and Perak states. The agreement was to provide Malaysia an option to participate in only 15% equity, and a Special Allowance Agreement provisions was an income tax rebate of 9 years for exports of oil. By the time Malaysia fathomed the diminishing resources in the country, and requested the oil multinationals to become “contractors” to the government in return for a percentage of the oil produced, the nation realized too late the subtlety of the imperialism of economic leverage.

Malaysia had requested national participation on a 65% / 35% government and company basis, respectively. In such a product-sharing agreement, for example, with 100,000 barrels of oil output, 40% of production is deducted from exploration and operating expenses, and the remaining 60,000 barrels to be shared on a 65% / 35% basis. Therefore, the actual result of such contract formulation was that 61% of the oil produced during any given month would go to the foreign companies, and only 39% to the country

Malaysia has less experience, a situation which international oil sums up the exploitation process, “I don’t think I am being unkind in saying that they (PETRONAS) would not know the difference between an olefin and a chocolate bar”.


By 2014, over 70% of the value of upstream contracts awarded was allocated to ethnocratic-kleptocracy bumiputera businesses.

c) INDUSTRIALISATION

Affirmative action plans in Malaysia do stymied domestic investments, and without structural changes to induce local entrepreneurship, it only engender monopoly-capital to own and control the national economy, besides dehumanizing labour.

Though there was a 12% annual growth by value in the manufacturing sector of which 60% was owned by the transnational corporations (TNCs), direct employment was less than 9% yearly.

The capital-intensive TNC investment ensured employment rate in the 15-24 age migrant group – where one of five being jobless – from the landless or unsettled rural drift was maintained. This floating labour constituted the majority of industrial workers whereas the stagnant labour formed “part of the active labour army,” Marx says, “but with extremely irregular employment offering capital an inexhaustible reservoir of disposable labour-power.” It is characterised “by a maximum of working time and a minimum of wages“, Marx, The General Law of Capitalist Accumulation“, chapter 25.

d) FINANCE

PNB – though started as a state investment vehicle – also undertook the task in stripping government assets for private bumiputera interests. Using these ill-gotten funds, by 1981 PNB became one of the leading Bumiputera Investment entities controlling RM$487 million worth of shares in 60-odd companies which constitutes 22% of the market capitalisation in Bursa Malaysia.

Indeed, as corporatised government-link companies (GLC), these behemoths accounts for nearly half of the benchmark Kuala Lumpur Composite Index, and they constitute seven out of the top 10 listed firms in 2018. They are a felt presence in the national economy penetrating in almost every sector, and on a world-wide basis, Malaysia ranks fifth-highest in terms of GLC influence on the national economy.

e) GLCs

Owing to an unequal ecological exchange – by colluding with the Big Farms’ industrial agrobusiness in the Global North to penetrate the Global South – such state-led government-link companies (GLCs) hitching onto ventures (like taking over titleless cultivators land or opening up FELDA frontier-plantations but indebting the settlers or the settleless minority communities in Sabah and Sarawak still unsettled after their timberland has been deforested by commercial loggers) that impoverished the marginalised populace.

f) LICENCES

The National Automotive Policy 2020 maintains, and continues, the open approved permit (AP) system, despite it being prone to abuse.

While supposedly to support fledgling bumiputera entreprenuers, the issue here is that only a few of those who have been receiving the open APs all these years have managed to upgrade themselves to bigger businesses.

However, to those given a licence to fly high, it would be something like the 2001 bailout of Malaysia Airline to the loss of RM$1.8 billion public funds to Tajudin Raml’s MAS or to the premier eldest son Mirzan Mahathir’s company, Konsortium Perkapalan Bhd $220 million bought over by the Malaysia International Shipping Corp., (The Wall Street Journal, May 1, 1998).

g) FOOD

Cattling through the meat processing industrial landscape allows rentier capitalism to breed. In 2018, the self-sufficiency level for meat stood at 22%, where the consumption per capita was 6.3kg per year, import value was RM3.8 billion and export value was RM1.2 billion, giving a trade deficit of RM2.6 billion. Similarly, related commodities such as milk and feedstock experienced a deficit of RM2.6 billion and RM10.2 billion respectively in 2018.

The data implies that, first, the demand for meat and milk is far greater than local supply, which has shown slow growth in the last five decades. Second, Malaysia still depends on imported feedstock for her cows.

The agencies involved in monitoring the sector include the Ministry of Domestic Trade and Consumer Affairs (KPDNHEP), Department of Veterinary Services (DVS), Jabatan Kemajuan Islam Malaysia (Jakim), Malaysian Quarantine and Inspection Services (Maqis), Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA), the Royal Malaysian Customs Department (RMCD) and Port Police (PP).

In simple terms, the cartel uses fake halal certificates for meat from uncertified sources from the point of slaughter, either at the exporting country or at local warehouses, until it reaches consumers. The activities involved are acquisition, storing, processing, smuggling, manipulation, abetting and bringing into the country the non-certified frozen meat through approved import permits which, again, related to the whole issue of rentier capitalism practices in licensing to unfit intermediaries.

h) DIGITAL PLATFORMS

As our forthcoming 12th Malaysia Plan (MP12) envisages more computerisation and laying out infrastructural platforms (with the last-mile digital communications controlled by Telekom Malaysia), network companies like Digi, YTL, Berjaya acting as intermediaries would be the dominant rentier corporates rearing their ugly heads, again .

Digital platforms have a natural tendency towards monopolisation because of their ability to rapidly scale-up by relying on pre-existing infrastructure and cheap marginal costs. One reason for Uber’s rapid growth, for instance, is that it does not need to build new factories – it just needs to rent more servers. Combined with network routering effects, this means that platforms can grow very big, very quickly.

This is exacerbated by a second dynamic of digital platforms: their insatiable appetite for data means that the most powerful platforms are also continuously expanding through new acquisitions. If collecting and analysing this raw material is the primary revenue source for these companies and gives them competitive advantages, there is an imperative to collect more and more. As one report notes, this strategic approach echoes a colonialist venture:

From a data-production perspective, activities are like lands waiting to be discovered. Whoever gets there first and holds them gets their resources – in this case, their data riches.

The end result of these basic dynamics is a tendency for companies to grow big, to grow fast and to monopolise their core businesses. These consequences pose significant political challenges, particularly as these companies come to control the basic infrastructure of digital society.

As our future becomes even more digitally-dependent, we must challenge the vast centralising of power within the hands of a few massive platforms implementors and infrastructural integrators in the country.

i) GIG-LABOUR

The proliferation of zero hours contracts, a trend towards fake self-employment and with a defanged trade unionism in the country, coupled with inadequate social security coverage to those underemployed, constructs a precarious labour market in which modern slavery thrives.

Companies have been criticised for using these contracts to exploit staff. In certain situations, shifts are not given to workers as a form of punishment for allegedly poor performance or for refusing prior shift offers. Certain employers have removed hours from workers to avoid a formal redundancy process. Others oblige workers to accept proposed shifts, thereby eliminating the mutual flexibility element. Workers are denied the same protection as provided to full-time employees in the form of sick pay, holiday pay and job security. For example, some workers are not permitted to work elsewhere. On occasion, workers have been called to work, told to wait for an hour and then sent home without pay.

j) HEALTHCARE

The Malaysian Healthcare system is a medicine-chest full of inadequacies and inequities. The result is an inappropriate healthcare protection and unacceptable differences in resources and health conditions related to income, race, and location.

Ruling regimes through the years have been wearing three hats acting like a tripartite healthcare agent: as a public healthcare provider, as financial capitalisation of it’s own private hospitals in Sime Darby, Pantai, Khazanah, KPJ Healthcare Berhad, and as rentier capitalism disposition to the private hospitals and pharmaceutical companies; for example: Pharmaniaga is given sole distribution rights on the Pfizer’s vaccine (Boustead Holdings owns 55.93% of Pharmaniaga, while Lembaga Tabung Angkatam (LTAT) owns 11.12%, and through a reverse ownership, the major owner of Boustead Holdings is LTAT.

Pharmaniaga also recently announced that its wholly-owned subsidiary Pharmaniaga LifeScience Sdn. Bhd. (PLS) had entered into a term sheet agreement with the Ministry of Health (MoH) for the purchase and distribution of 12 million doses of vaccine developed by Sinovac Life Sciences Co Ltd (Sinovac LS), a subsidiary of Sinovac Bi-otech Ltd., (theedge, 27/01/2021).
The agreement will enable PLS to
supply 12 million doses of finished Covid-19
CoronaVac, SARS-CoV-2 Vaccine (Vero Cell), Inactivated (developed by Sinovac
LS), and filled and finished by PLS to be
delivered to hospitals, clinics and any other
facilities nationwide as instructed by MoH.
Duopharma, on the other hand, will
be supplying 6.4 million doses of the
Russian-developed “Sputnik V” Covid-19
vaccine.

For a critique on Malaysia healthcare,  go here and here:

More than ever, a community-based Cuban model of healthcare provision is critically desirable for the next generation of medical progressives to promulgate towards health equity.

5] CONCLUSION

Engendering and prolonging an oligarchic-ethnocratic economy, whilst concurrently steadfastly holding religious insentivities to a multicultural and multiracial populace, a non-elective backdoor governance needs to acknowledge the dire politico-economic consequences under present Ecological-Epidemiological-Economic metabolic rift situation.

While accepting that marginalised  communities need to receive assistance from the government, they should also be aware that they are responsible for ensuring the aid is utilised in the right way, and without harming others.

From an Islamic point of view, any abuse of privilege is condemned by God.

Any social conscious government would know that  affirmative action policies should prioritise sectors that have large multiplier effects – that the benefits from such assistance should be spread out to the public and not just be limited to the recipients, and the intermediaries (rentier capitalists) distributing them. Affirmative policies tend to degenerate into perverse patronage and political clientelism, thereby creating a breeding ground for the rent-seeking leeches to suck the life blood of an economy.

It should be said that the marginalised and the disfranchised communitues have to be empowered themselves through participation and confronting competitiveness.  Those public sectors that own and control resources, capital and rent distribution should be eliminated. The influence of intermediaries and rent-seekers should be terminated.

As such, any affirmative policies should not be benefiting certain groups but the entire society – the nation.  Indeed, the creation, and the perpetuating, for more than six decades of a cohort of monopolistic rentier capitalism-seekers, that class is timely now to be dispersed, if not, demised.

There is a definitive urge for the surge towards socialism in the twenty-first century.


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NEO-IMPERIALISM EXPLOITATION OF GLOBAL RESERVE ARMY OF LABOUR UNDER MONOPOLY-CAPITALISM

PROLOGUE

To understand twenty-first-century economic imperialism we must go beyond analysis of the nation-state to a comprehension of the increasing global reach of transnational corporations on global labour force. At issue is the way in which today’s global monopolies in the center of the world economy – the Global North – have captured value generated by labour in the periphery – the Global South – under a process of unequal exchange, thereby extracting more labour effort in exchange for less wages. The ramifications are a changing of the global structure of industrial (and, increasingly, infrastructural digital) production while maintaining, and often intensifying, the global means of exploitation and value transfer.

1] TRANSNATIONAL CORPORATIONS

The transnational corporation (TNC) is the product of a process of concentration and centralization of capital that had created monopoly capital itself where the accumulation of capita has meant wider, and in furtherance of, expansion. This very process of growing and spreading is global in scope and, most importantly, imperialistic in its characteristics accompanying a widening qualitative transformation in the forms of organizational structure, and deepening dominance of monopoly capital that can be based on capital financialization, the sacking of peripheral countries’ natural resources and the comparative advantages derived from global labor arbitrage, that is, the perpetuation of significant wage differentials between states, countries and regions. In essence, this is a restructuring of monopoly capital on a world scale, with a scope that has given contemporary imperialism a new facet (Suwandi and Foster, 2016).

By late twentieth century, industrial capitalism has not changed, but evolved into globalized capitalism that increasingly adopted the form of interlinked commodity chains controlled by transnational corporations, connecting diversified production zones, primarily in the Global South, with peak consumption, swirling finance, and capital accumulation mainly in the Global North. These commodity chains constitute primarily the circuits of capital globally that is identified as late imperialism with the rise of generalized monopoly-finance capital, (John Bellamy Foster, Late Imperialism, Monthly Review 71, no. 3 (July–August 2019): 1–19; Samir AminModern Imperialism, Monopoly Finance Capital, and Marx’s Law of Value).

Through a system of global commodity chains, monopoly-capital enters into the determination and structuring of production worldwide on different commodities and subcomponent parts. With flexibility in a lean production, linked in global commodity chains, assembly plants are mainly located in the Global South. These are the sites where the reserve army of labor is larger, unit labor costs are lower, and rates of exploitation are correspondingly higher. The result is much higher profit margins for the transnational corporations leading to the amassing of wealth in the Global North centre through transactional process in “profit by expropriation”.

2] GLOBAL LABOUR ARBITRAGE

Under this neo-imperialistic system, exorbitant imperial rents from the control of global production are obtained not only from the global labour arbitrage, through which transnational corporations with their headquarters in the Global North overexploit industrial labour, (and presently, digital labour in the gig-economy) in the periphery Global South, but also increasingly through the global land arbitrage, in which agribusiness transnationals expropriate cheap frontier land in the developing and emerging-developed countries so as to produce export edible crops mainly for consumption in the developed and post-industrialized countries, see Intan SuwandiValue Chains: the New Economic Imperialism (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2019), 32–33, 53–54.

As Paul Sweezy argues, while “every class society is characterized by the necessary/surplus labor dichotomy, hence by an implicit rate of exploitation…only in capitalism does this take the value form, with the rate of exploitation expressing itself as a rate of surplus value.”  (Paul Sweezy, “Marxian Value Theory and Crises,” in The Faltering Economy, ed. John Bellamy Foster and Henryk Szlajfer (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1984), 238).

It is impossible to examine the capitalist economy, and the class struggles central to it, without focusing on the issue of exploitation, analyzed through the labor theory of value. This remains equally true when examining the economy at a global level.

The framework is known as labor-value commodity chains, or labor-value chains for short. Unlike mainstream theories on this subject, this framework takes into account the questions of power, class, and control.

The concept of unit labor costs, in this sense, is an operationalization of the rate of exploitation, which considers not only the question of wages but also the question of productivity.

The labor-value chains framework, empirically operationalized through the examination of unit labour costs, thus allows us to see that, behind the complexities of global commodity chains, exploitation persists. Global capital (that is, the TNC transnational corporations) engages in the search for low unit labor costs around the globe to accrue higher profit margins and overall profits. Data on unit labour costs had shown those countries with the highest participation in labour-value chains, for examples, the top three being China, India, and Indonesia have very low unit labour costs.

The global capital’s goal is to make sure that unit labor costs are stably low, even in cases where wage costs are increasing (such as the increase in minimum wage issued through governmental policies). Control mechanisms through legislations – like gazetted laws on union busting and defuncting – are instituted to allow global capital to maintain a low unit labor cost by making sure that productivity can be increased.
In May 2014, one of Apple’s most important suppliers, NXP Semiconductors, dismissed all 24 elected union officials from IndustriALL affiliate MWAP at its plant in a special economic zone in Cabuyao, Philippines. NXP claimed the union’s peaceful industrial actions were illegal. It was clear that the company’s persistent acts of intimidation and harassment were aimed at weakening the bargaining power of the union.

Similarly, in Malaysia, there were industrial conflict cases encountered with AMD and Harris Semiconductor, see Mhinder BhopalUS Union Busting in Contemporary Malaysia: 1970-2000, University of North London; and STORMZero Hour Underemployment – Surplus Value Exploitation.

3] LABOUR EXPLOITATION

In Marxian economics, the rate of exploitation is the ratio of the total amount of unpaid labor done (surplus-value) to the total amount of wages paid (the value of labour power). The rate of exploitation is known as the rate of surplus-value.

Workers under capitalism are compelled by their lack of ownership of the means of production to sell their labour power to capitalists for less than the full value of the goods they produce. Capitalists, in turn, need not produce anything themselves but are able to live instead off the productive energies of each and every worker effort.

Monopoly capital enforces these differences in labour costs through a variety of mechanisms, from their monopoly control either through technology (for example: infrastructural platform) or to their ability to use competition (by adopting Porter’s competitive advantages and/or levying hypercompetition or even adapting Noorda’s  co-opetition approaches) to enforce ‘flexibility’ in manufacturing process (for instance on accepting lean production). Thus Apple, through its subcontractor Foxconn, switched assembly of its products to India after there was a mere 9-12% rise in labour costs in China and Indonesia. Companies like Apple are actually not real manufacturers, but merely merchandisers, yet they are able to absorb a great share of the surplus value created by subordinated manufacturers.

Behind such dirt wages in the periphery lies the whole history of imperialism and the fact that in 2011 the global reserve army of labor (adding up the unemployed, vulnerably employed, and economically inactive population) numbered some 2.4 billion people, compared to a global active labor army of only 1.4 billion. It is this global reserve army – predominantly in the Global South, but also growing in the Global North – which holds down the labour income in both center and periphery, keeping wages in the periphery well below the average value of labour power worldwide, as articulated by John Bellamy Foster, Robert W. McChesney and R. Jamil Jonna in The Global Reserve Army of Labor and the New Imperialism, Monthly Review, November 01, 2011.

It is projected that by 2030, 60% of the world’s population is to be urban; an additional 590,000 square miles of the planet will be urbanised occupying a land surface more than twice the size of Texas, swelling an additional 1.47 billion urban dwellers; many of whom will bolster the ranks of a latent reserve army. They will thus, offer sustained nourishment for expanded capitalism accumulation anywhere and everywhere on planet earth.

Thus, what has FELDA gone through – indebted settlers in search of industrial works – is, but a microcosm what had occurred in China during the 1980s when the latter undertook a massive reform that dismantled its social rural collectives – the communes – and divided the land among millions of small peasant families. This decollectivation campaign (Monthly Review: From Commune to Capitalism)  ushered the consequential politico-economic foundation of China neoliberal labour reforms to feed the newly industrial sites along the banks of Yellow River and the South China Sea seaport enclaves.

Similarly, after 1989, with the tumbling of the Berlin Wall, another reservoir of latent labour flooded the capitalist marketplace in Europe. A freshly-proletarianised workforce initiated a primitive accumulation of capital, transforming former Eastern European state employees into freelance wage-labourers, set free to pit their wits on the flexible European labour market. The Eastern bloc’s headlong embrace of Western-style neoliberalism prised open a whole new array of market niches, together with a rojak latent labour reserve: both at home, in some newly-formed nation-states, and in the European Economic Area (EEA).

Emerging was an ideology of dictatorial personality morphed into an ideological dictatorship of the free market, with its attendant rights of consumerist man, see Andy MerrifieldDialectical Urbanism: Social Struggles in the Capitalist City, and alienated, residue labour in industrial estates in Malaysia, see STORM, The Struggle for Shelter – the Class Struggle in Housing.
Stimulated by the European Union’s freedom of labour movement (2004), labour found low-grade jobs in powerhouses like Britain, Germany and France. Pay is better than before, yet a lot less than homegrown workers’. For instance, British businesses have prospered enormously from this influx of Eastern European labour, especially the Polish migrant workers.

In fact, there are a lot of British enterprises that have been able to valorise a cheap labour they had not had since the 1950s when many Caribbean immigrants landed on her East Dockland shore.

In many cases, the British agricultural sector has been a big gainer. Prior to 2004, crops like asparagus, cherries, raspberries and strawberries were suffering long-term decline. The pay in these sectors was little: the hard work backbreaking; few locals accepted these jobs. Yet since 2004, rather than invest in expensive new berry-picking technology, growers have exploited Eastern European labour reserves, latent labour-power, which has rekindled agricultural capital.

The modern day slavery as experienced by the Caribbean Afros, Pakistanis, east African Indians or  Eastern Europeans is no different from the British ‘ forward movement ‘ during colonial political intervention into then Malaya.

The British plantation system was based on the super-exploitation of labour so much so that migrant South Indian workers became “orphans of the empire”. The wages were so low that the English assistant Leopold Ainsworth once wondered how the Tamil workers and their families could “possibly exist as ordinary human beings” on the boss’s pays in a Malayan plantation. In 1926, the cost of a Papuan indentured laborer was 20 percent of that of a white worker, 25 percent of that of an employed estate manager, and 10 percent of that of a white unskilled laborer. Racist humiliation, insult, and cruelty were part of the everyday lives of the coolies (a degorating term given to the local inhabitants), while the pale-skin estate owner sipped on a stengah (whisky and sodas) clad in sweatstained khakis, summoning a “boy” with a teapot or gin bottle to the veranda at the end of another hot and humid day with the topee on his head – a surreal scene of a Somerset Maugham novel of the Orient.

Consequently, big winners are the transnational corporations. Apple subcontracts the production of the component parts of its iPhones in a number of countries with the final assembly in China subcontracted to Foxconn. Owing to low-end wages paid for labour-intensive assembly operations, Apple’s profits on its iPhone 4 in 2010 were found to be 59 percent of the final sales price. 

For each iPhone 4 imported from China to the United States in 2010, retailing at $549, about $10 went to labor costs for production of components and assembly in China, amounting to 1.8 percent of the final sales price, (Jason Dedrick, Capturing Value in Global Networks: Apple’s iPad and iPhone, Paul Merage School of Business, University of California, Irvine, July 2011), http://pcic.merage.uci.edu, 5, 11.

In the context of the Marxian labour theory of value, the global labor arbitrage is quest for valorization. It is a strategy for both reducing socially necessary labour costs and maximizing the appropriation of surplus value. It extracts, as stated, more out of workers through various means, including repressive work environments in periphery-economy factories, state-enforced bans on unionization or union-busting by the TNCs themselves, and quota systems or by means of unfair piece-rate work payments.

The global labor arbitrage is a fact because the industrial reserve army of the unemployed which, on a global scale, is the a global reserve army of labour. Central to the creation of this reserve army is the depeasantization of a large portion of the global periphery through the spread of agribusiness like, as stated in, our FELDA schemes. The resettlement of rural communities had indebted the peasantry contributing a movement from the rural areas to the growth of urban povert, see STORM, op.cit. Marx connected the “freeing” of peasants (the “latent” part of the reserve army) from the land to the process of “so-called primitive accumulation.”

Reproducing the global reserve army of labor not only serves to increase shorter-term profits; it serves as a divide-and-rule approach to labor on a global scale in the interest of long-term accumulation by transnationals corporations and the state structures like government-linked companies (GLCs) aligning, and colluding, with them. The consequent competition among industrial workers in the Global South is greatly intensified by increasing the relative surplus population. This divide-and-rule strategy serves to integrate “disparate labour surpluses, ensuring a constant and growing supply of recruits to the global reserve army” who are “made less recalcitrant by insecure employment and the continual threat of unemployment.”

The extreme system of imperialist exploitation unleashed by the linkages in the global commodity chains, (Intan Suwandi, Value Chains: The New Economic Imperialism,  Monthly Review, 2019).

Suwandi shows how transnational corporations use global labour arbitrage to create “global labour value chains” to protect their profit margins, so that supposedly decentralised global production is associated with the growing concentration of profits and economic power.

Another way of putting it is that with the difference in average wages between advanced economies and the rest being very much greater than differences in productivity. This points to higher rates of surplus value being created in the economic ‘periphery’, compared to the imperialist ‘core’. Suwandi’s argument is that it is the structural power of multinationals which enable them to enforce a regime upon production in dependent economies which propel the transfer of very significant quantities of value into their hands, through ‘labour-value commodity chains’ (p.17).

On the global labor arbitrage and commodity chains, Suwandi in Value Chains, ibid. stated whereby “the shifting of production activities to third world countries with lower wages entails an appropriation of surplus value from these countries which is camouflaged because the act of distribution of this surplus among the various claimants in the metropolis appears in an inverted form as value addition by these different claimants.

(The analysis of unit labour costs is by R. Jamil Jonna, as published in “Global Commodity Chains and the New Imperialism,” Monthly Review 70, no. 10 (March 2019): 1–24.)

.

4] LABOUR SURPLUS VALUE

Some notable aspects of manufactured products assembled in Global South sites are presented here.

For instance, when the Apple’s California plant is compared with overseas factories, the fact is that the cost, excluding the materials, of building a $1,500 computer in Elk Grove was US$22 a machine. In Singapore, it was US$6; in Taiwan, US$4.85; see figure below on costs of production, capital accumulation and the surplus value extracted from the production of a typical iPad in the 2010s:

Surplus Value Extracted

Companies like Apple are not the real manufacturers, but merely merchandisers, and through image-product branding they are able to absorb a huge share of the surplus value created by subcontractors and component manufacturers.

It is not the ordinary workers in the Global South, but the Gobal North executives  and corporate capital who are benefiting from the structural power of the  global commodity supply chains. While Apple’s iPod is made entirely overseas, but ‘52 percent of the final sale price is counted as value added in the United States and is added to U.S. GDP‘ (Suwandi, op. cit. p.158). The surplus value, the source of profit, entirely  comes from in the production process, and therefore originates completely outside the USA. However, the finance and administrative procedures take place in the core centre of Global North. In a capitalist society, under a capitalistic accounting method,  the ‘surplus-value’ is regarded as ‘value added’, while in Marxist terms, these activities add no value at all (Suwandi, ibid.,p.160). With all this value accruing in the imperial centre, it is the middle-class professionals ‘including the outsized “compensation” of corporate executives – [who capture] more than two-thirds of the total wage bill associated with iPod production’,  (Suwandi, ibid., p.158).

Similarly, in the international garment industry, in which production takes place almost exclusively in the Global South, direct labor cost per garment is typically around 1–3 percent of the final retail price, according to senior World Bank economist Zahid Hussain. Wage costs for an embroidered logo sweatshirt produced in the Dominican Republic run at around 1.3 percent of the final retail price in the United States, while the labor cost (including the wages of floor supervisors) of a knit shirt produced in the Philippines is 1.6 percent. Labor costs in countries such as China, India, Indonesia, Vietnam, Cambodia, and Bangladesh were even considerably lower than in the above cases.  The surplus value captured from such workers is thus enormous, while being disguised by the fact that the lion’s share of so-called “value added” is attributed to activities (marketing, distribution, corporate salaries) in the wealthy importing country, removed from direct production costs.

In 2010, the Swedish retailer Hennes & Mauritz was purchasing T-shirts from subcontractors in Bangladesh, paying the workers on the order of 2–5 cents (euro) per shirt produced.

Nike, a pioneer in Non-Equity Modes of International Production, outsources all of its production to subcontractors in countries such as South Korea, China, Indonesia, Thailand, and Vietnam. In 1996, a single Nike shoe consisting of fifty-two components was manufactured by subcontractors in five different countries. The entire direct labour cost for the production of a pair of Nike basketball shoes retailing for $149.50 in the United States in the late 1990s was 1 percent, or $1.50.

Similarly, in Top Glove, Malaysia, a migrant worker is paid RM$80/day, including overtime, a single worker is basically generating RM$200 value worth of production out of his single ringgit-dollar labour effort. In the case of a crew staff at McDonald’s, paid RM$70/day in the Melawati-Setiawangsa-Ulu Kelang precinct, may promote 100 servings per day at an average RM$14 worth/serving is generating the company’s revenue of RM$20 per single ringgit-dollar of a crew member’s daily work effort, see APPENDIX A: Production Cost and Surplus Value in STORM, The Top Gloves and the Bottom Doves – Capital and Labour during Covid-19.

It would be interesting to note that Apple’s official list of its top 200 suppliers, accounting for 97 per cent of materials and manufacturing costs, includes just two companies in Brazil: Foxconn and fellow Taiwanese electronics company Lite-On Technology Corp. Foxconn currently have five facilities in the country that make products under contract for various technology companies, including just one unit producing Apple devices in Jundiai, about 30 miles east of Itu.

A worker testing iPhones earn about US$80 per week, just US$15 above the minimum wage, and a fourth strike in as many years had since been brewing again.

5] INFRASTRUCTURAL IMPERIALISM

With the advent of technology, improvements in telecommunications, introduction of computers and associated network topologies, the emergence of infrastructural platforms with seamless routers and cloud servers have taken  new dimensions in prevalence of monopoly-capital, and the ensuing and deepening exploitation of digital labour.

Corporate capital solidified respective infrastructural platforms they acquired and through IT/IS competitive endowment, they have undue advantages over labour: labour control and supervision, labour harvest and deployment, maximal labour usage and exclusive exploitation thereon.

Digital technology has already transformed the world economy; the decade leading up to 2019, the largest 100 firms in the world had increased their total market capitalisation by US$12.7 trillion. A third of that increase (US$4.2 trillion) can be said to be accounted for by just seven firms: Facebook, Amazon, Apple, Alphabet, Microsoft (the famous quintet ‘FAAAM’), Tencent and Alibaba. The aggressive rally of tech stocks during the COVID-19 pandemic had given due recognition that an entirely new model of value creation was enabled by digital technology.  

In 2019, even Business Insider reported with a note of horror the Jeff Bezos Amazon factor. The “Bezos’ rate is equivalent to US$149,353 a minute. To put things in perspective, Bezos makes more than three times what the medianU.S. worker makes in year – US$45,552, according to data by the Bureau of Labour Statistics – in one minute.”

That the wealthiest figures tend to be tech capitalists are not unsurprising. The top nine wealthiest people include in their ranks: Elon Musk, Jeff Bezos, Bill Gates, Mark Zuckerberg and Larry Page. Their obscene, excessive wealth points to the tensions within private ownership of the means of production, where competition leads to monopolies and oligopolies.

Digital technology has a profound effect on workers during COVID-19. From Amazon warehouses and Top Grove living quarters with unsafe and unhygienic conditions to an increased workload that comes from working from home or GRABing a hail-car for a living, we see that it is the capitalist elite that benefits from digital accumulation.

The fact is that those who harvest our data and profit from surveilling us are rewarded, while many lives and much Gig-economy livelihoods have been lost.

This model is what technology expert Azeem Azhar calls the ‘AI lock in loop’ where, as the tech companies deploy products and services, they also collect data about their consumers’ use of those products and services.  Through machine-learning processes performed on those collated data, entities would present opportunities towards the development of better products and services. It is by integration of multiple data-rich digital assets into a single platform that gives such tech companies access to the entire vertical product chains (examples like Amazon  or Grab) and the supply-chain capacity to expand horizontally into new products and services with relative ease and effectiveness (examples: Google, Facebook, WeChat or Grab becoming cloud-servers, WhatsApp communications, website-e-commerce internationally, investment data mining, respectively).

Already in Capital, Marx notes how technology does not necessarily make life easier for workers. He quoted John Stuart Mill’s observation that “It is questionable if all the mechanical inventions yet made have lightened the day’s toil of any human being”, with a disagreement.

Marx writes that “like every other increase in the productiveness of labour, machinery is intended to cheapen commodities and, by shortening that portion of the working day, in which the labourer works for himself, to lengthen the other portion that he gives, without an equivalent, to the capitalist”.

In his 1878 book Anti-Dühring, Engels quotes Marx to describe the way machinery threatens and coerces workers. “Machinery becomes the most powerful weapon in the war of capital against the working class; that the instruments of labour constantly tear the means of subsistence out of the hands of the labourer, that the very product of the worker is turned into an instrument for his subjugation.

It’s not capitalism, it’s not neoliberalism – what is then?

In a radical departure from neoliberalism analysis, in a visionary new book, McKenzie Wark‘s Capitalism is Dead, argues that information has empowered a new kind of ruling class. Through the ownership and control of information, this emergent class dominates not only labour but capital as traditionally understood as well. And it’s not just tech companies like Amazon and Google. Even Walmart and Nike can now dominate the entire production chain through the ownership of not much more than brands, patents, copyrights, and logistical systems – all “soft” elements than physical products, all accumulated through financialization capitalism.

Some techno-utopian may praise these innovations as an improvement on capitalism, but for workers – the global labour of the world – monopoly-capital has a new model in the guise of digital imperialism. The emergence of a new ruling class will use the pulsating powers of information to route around any obstacle labour and social movements may like to erect.

The emerging ruling class shall be the digital feudal lords overseeing a landscape of digital infrastructure over a peasantry as digital gig-slaves, (Nick Srnicek, author of Platform Capitalism).

EPILOGUE

In this digitalized business mode, returns do not diminish as businesses scale up. Rather, they increase exponentially; only that the accumulation of capital would be geared towards the exploitation of digital-dehumanised workers where they are mere interfacing intermediaries as conduits to big data storage and retrieval – and the consequential manipulation of raw data into timely, accurate, relevant and complete information – by such infrastructural capitalism platforms that are so overwhelmingly powerful in exploiting surplus value of labour but also the accumulation of capital relentlessly, and brutally.


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BREAKING THE GLASS SCREEN – FRAMING MONOPOLY CAPITALISM IN GLOBAL COMMODITY CHAINS

PROLOGUE

In 2007 – a digital time not spatially long ago – a month before the iPhone was production scheduled, the late Steven Jobs took some of his staff to an office. He had been carrying a prototype of the device in his pocket daily for weeks.

Mr. Jobs angrily held up his iPhone so that everyone could see the dozens of tiny scratches marring its plastic screen. He then pulled his keys from his jeans.

People will carry this phone in their pocket, he was quoted to say.
“I won’t sell a product that gets scratched,” he said tensely.

The only solution was to use unscratchable glass instead.

“I want a glass screen, and I want it perfect in six weeks.”

(Duhigg, C and Bradsher, K. “How the U.S. Lost Out on iPhone Work“, The New York Times, published January 21st., 2012).

1] INTRODUCTION

An executive left that meeting and booked a flight to Shenzhen, China. If Mr. Jobs wanted a perfection, there was nowhere else to go.

Malik, Y, Niemeyer, A. and Ruwadi,B. “Building the supply chain of the future“, McKinsey Quarterly, January 2011; see also, Aminpour, S. and Woetzel, “Applying lean manufacturing in China” , The McKinsey Quarterly, 2006 Special Edition, pp. 106-115). To compare the underlying leadership philosophy in operations management, see Kim, M.(2012), “Samsung’s crisis culture: a driver and a drawback”, Sep. 2, 2012 (Reuters).

It was often argued that such material production like the glass panels could make in the USA, and then ship it by boat, but that would take 35 days. “Or, we could ship it by air, but that’s 10 times as expensive. So we build our glass factories next door to assembly factories, and those are overseas.”  Wingfield, N and Duhigg, C. “Apple Lists Its Suppliers for 1st Time”, The New York Times, published January 13th, 2012).

The transnational corporation (TNC) is the product of concentration and centralization of capital that created monopoly capital where the accumulation of capital has always meant expansion.

Furthermore, this present process of growing and spreading is global in scale and, most importantly, economic imperialistic in its characteristics. It has an intensed transformative quality of organization and dominance of monopoly capital based on the rampage of peripheral countries’ natural resources. It has also the gained comparative advantages from global labor arbitrage, that is, the significant wage differentials between various countries and regions, in this global chain of  business activities, (Suwandi and Foster, 2016, Global Commodity Chains and the New Imperialism).

Through these global commodity chains, monopoly-capital signals the determination and structuring of production worldwide on different commodities and subcomponent parts. With flexibility in a lean production, linked in global commodity chains, various and varied assembly plants are located in different geographical locations in the Global South. These are the sites where the reserve army of labor is larger, unit labor costs are lower, and rates of exploitation are correspondingly higher. The result is much higher profit margins for the transnational corporations leading to the amassing of wealth in the Global North centre, via a kind “profit by expropriation”.

2] GLOBAL COMMODITY CHAINS

The term global commodity chain referred to the material and logistical aspects of organizing production involving numerous components brought together over spatially dispersed global production platforms and or assembly sites.

With a global footprint, iPhone manufacturers stakes to a global supply chain. Apple contracts with major carriers including FedEx and UPS to ship iPhones around the world. One Boeing 747 flight can carry 150,000 iPhones.

For phones bound for the U.S., flights depart from Zhengzhou, China, and head to Anchorage, Alaska, where the jets are refuelled. Then, these flights are mostly routed to Louisville, Kentucky, where logistics personnel sort and reroute the iPhones to their final destinations.

Terence Hopkins and Immanuel Wallerstein advanced the commodity chain concept in the 1980s as part of the world-systems perspective – with an emphasis on the “historical reconstruction of industries during the long sixteenth century.” (Terence Hopkins and Immanuel Wallerstein, “Commodity Chains in the World Economy Prior to 1800,” Review 10, no. 1 (1986): 157–70). The global commodity-chain framework was further popularized in the mid–1990s, marked by the publication of Commodity Chains and Global Capitalism edited by Gary Gereffi and Miguel Korzeniewicz. Later, Gereffi also became a prominent figure in the forming of the global value-chain/global supply-chain research network in 2000.

Economic researchers at the Institut de Recherches Économiques et Sociales in France indicate that global commodity chains have three different elements: (1) a production element linking parts and commodities in complex production chains; (2) a value element, which focuses on their role as “value chains,” transferring value between and within firms globally; and (3) a monopoly element, reflecting the fact that such commodity chains are controlled by the centralized financial headquarters of monopolistic multinational corporations and garner massive monopoly rents, as theorized by Stephen Hymer in the 1970s, (Stephen Hymer, The Multinational Corporation, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979).

The common distinction between global supply chains and global value chains is mainly between what Karl Marx called the material or “natural form” of the commodity, “use value” as opposed to its “value form,” or exchange value. All of this, however, needs to be united within a general theory of global commodity production, (Karl Marx, “The Value-Form,” Capital and Class 2, no. 1 (1978): 134).

According to one recent pioneering study of global financial flows by the Centre for Applied Economics of the Norwegian School of Economics and the United States-based Global Financial Integrity, net resource transfers from developing and emerging economies to rich countries were estimated at $2 trillion in 2012 alone, (Centre for Applied Research, Financial Flows and Tax Havens, Norwegian School of Economics and Global Financial Integrity, Bergen, Norway 2015).

The component manufacturers create the memory chips, glass screen interfaces, casings, cameras, and everything in between. A former executive had described how the Apple company depended upon a Chinese factory to revamp the iPhone manufacturing just weeks before the device was due to be marketed. Apple had redesigned the iPhone’s screen at the last minute thereby enforcing an assembly line overhaul. New screens began arriving at the plant close to midnight.

A) The Labour

A foreman immediately roused 8,000 workers inside the company’s dormitories, according to the executive. Each employee was given a biscuit and a cup of tea, guided to a workstation and within half an hour started a 12-hour shift fitting glass screens into beveled frames. Within 96 hours, the plant was producing over 10,000 iPhones a day.

The question is not just about how the transnationals control the commodity chains, but also how they facilitate the extraction of surplus from the Global South. The underlying concept of the global labor arbitrage, famously defined by Stephen Roach, the former chief economist of Morgan Stanley, as the replacement of high-wage workers in the United States and other rich economies “with like-quality, low-wage workers abroad.”  The global labor arbitrage is often rationalized as “an urgent survival tactic” for Global North companies to cut costs and to “search for new efficiencies”, (Stephen Roach, “How Global Labor Arbitrage Will Shape the World Economy”, Global Agenda Magazine, 2004).

In the context of the Marxian labour theory of value, the global labor arbitrage is quest for valorization. It is a strategy for both reducing socially necessary labor costs and maximizing the appropriation of surplus value. It extracts more out of workers through various means, including repressive work environments in periphery-economy factories, state-enforced bans on unionization or union-busting by the TNCs themselves, and quota systems or by means of unfair piece-rate work payments, (see Mhinder Bhopal, US Union Busting in Contemporary Malaysia: 1970-2000, University of North London; and STORM, Zero Hour Underemployment – Surplus Value Exploitation).

The global labor arbitrage is a factual existence because the industrial reserve army of the unemployed which on a global scale, this is the a global reserve army of labour.  Central to the creation of this reserve army is the depeasantization of a large portion of the global periphery through the spread of agribusiness, like our FELDA schemes. The resettlement of rural communities had indebted the peasantry contributing a movement from the  rural areas to the growth of urban poverty. Marx connected the “freeing” of peasants (the “latent” part of the reserve army) from the land to the process of “so-called primitive accumulation.” (Intan Suwandi, R. Jamil Jonna and John Bellamy Foster, Global Commodity Chains and the New Imperialism, Monthly Review, March 01 2019).

Reproducing the global reserve army of labor not only serves to increase shorter-term profits; it serves as a divide-and-rule approach to labour on a global scale in the interest of long-term accumulation by transnationals corporations and with the collaboration of state apparatus like GLCs aligned with them. The consequent competition among industrial workers in the Global South is greatly intensified by increasing the relative surplus population. This divide-and-rule strategy serves to integrate “disparate labour surpluses, ensuring a constant and growing supply of recruits to the global reserve army” who are “made less recalcitrant by insecure employment and the continual threat of unemployment.” (Intan Suwandi, Behind the Veil of Globalization, Monthly Review, July 01, 2015).

B) The Process

The focus on Asia “came down to two things,” said one former high-ranking Apple executive. Factories in Asia “can scale up and down faster” and “Asian supply chains have surpassed what’s in the U.S.”, (Bruce Constantine, Brian D. Ruwadi, and Joshua Wine article on “Management practices that drive supply chain success“, McKinsey Quarterly, February 2009).

The speed and flexibility is breathtaking,” the executive said. “There’s no American plant that can match that.” (to compare this statement with Stefan Knupfer and Glenn Mercer article on Can US auto suppliers stay ahead of Chinese rivals?, McKinsey Quarterly, September 2005).

When an Apple team eventually visited its new site, the Chinese plant’s owners were already constructing a new wing. “This is in case you give us the contract,” the manager said, according to a former Apple executive. The Chinese government had agreed to underwrite costs for numerous industries, and those subsidies had trickled down to the glass-cutting factory. It had a warehouse filled with glass samples available to Apple, free of charge. The owners made engineers available at almost no cost. They had built on-site dormitories so employees would be available 24 hours a day.

“The entire supply chain is in China now,” said another former high-ranking Apple executive. “You need a thousand rubber gaskets? That’s the factory next door. You need a million screws? That factory is a block away. You need that screw made a little bit different? It will take three hours.”

The dynamic change in the electronic and electrical supply chain is also a reflection on innovative technologies that enable, and enhance, the digital production, and the enhancement of a digital economy. Look at the pre-iTune environment and the cutting off sub-contracting intermediaries in subsequent operational management:

Processes of traditional record making

The conventional mode in the production of a music record is transformed whereby the intermediary subcontracting from arranging an orchestra to the recording of a music to production of the vinyl record is controlled, and monopolized, by a dominant entity through a change in the operational mode of the new supply chain:

Business model changes : multiplayers to 3 entities

Under this new way of doing business, monopoly capitalism has evolved, but the mode of capital accumulation persists; the exploitation of labour remains. In Marxian economics, the rate of exploitation is the ratio of the total amount of unpaid labor done (surplus-value) to the total amount of wages paid (the value of labour power). The rate of exploitation is known as the rate of surplus-value.

Workers under capitalism are compelled by their lack of ownership of the means of production to sell their labor power to capitalists for less than the full value of the goods they produce. Capitalists, in turn, need not produce anything themselves but are able to live instead off the productive energies of each and every worker effort.

C] The Capital

Foxconn, the world’s largest Apple subcontractor, once had more than 200,000 workers in one facility in Longhua, a factory district of Shenzhen in south China also known as “iPod City” (Webster, Nick. 2006, “Welcome to iPod City: The ‘Robot’ Workers on 15-hour Days”). In a few years, the Longhua factory grew to about a 400,000 population and the total number of Foxconn employees in China exceeded one million by 2012.

An eight-hour drive from that glass factory mentioned above, is a complex, known informally as Foxconn City, where the iPhone is assembled. To Apple executives, Foxconn City was further evidence that China could deliver hard-working workers — and diligence — that could and would outpace their American counterparts.

Nothing like Foxconn City, China, ever exists in the United States of America.


The facility has 230,000 employees, many working six days a week 12 hours a day at the plant. Over a quarter of Foxconn’s work force lives in company barracks; many workers earn less than US$17 a day. When one Apple executive arrived during a shift change, his car was stuck in a river of employees streaming past. “The scale is unimaginable,” he was quoted to utter.

(It was reported that Foxconn employs nearly 300 guards to direct foot traffic so workers are not crushed in doorway bottlenecks. The facility’s central kitchen was stated to be to cook an average of three tons of pork and boiled 13 tons of rice daily).

Another critical advantage for Apple was that China provided engineers at a scale the United States could not match. In fact, Apple’s executives had estimated that about 8,700 industrial engineers were needed to oversee and guide the 200,000 assembly-line workers eventually involved in manufacturing iPhones. The company’s analysts had forecast it would take as long as nine months to find that many qualified engineers in the United States.

In China, it took 15 days.

Similarly. many companies moved their manufacturing from countries like China and Singapore to more affordable ones like Malaysia to localise their supply chain and procurement teams. Alongside this, many large global organizations are also moving towards centralizing their support for procurement and supply chain functions in Malaysia to consolidate business processes in search of lower labour cost.  However, this has contributed to more companies exploring, and exploiting, flexible recruitment solutions like using zero-hour contracts or hiring contractors or temporary workers on a project basis.

3] MONOPOLY CAPITAL  TOXICITY

Near to scenic Jiuzhaigou is Chengdu which, as a city in norhwest China, is a pulsating IT hub, with all the imperfect ramifications of capitalism expansiveness powering the largest, fastest and most sophisticated manufacturing system on earth, but with the excess of predatory capitalism at its worst. Within a seven-month  period, two explosions at iPad factories, including in Chengdu, killed four people and injured 77, (refer to Duhigg and Barboza article on “Human Costs Are Built Into an iPad”, published in The New York Times, January 25th, 2012 where cleaning Pad screens with n-hexane, a toxic chemical that can cause nerve damage and paralysis; other negative reports include the Taiyun assembly plant rioting (Reuter, Sep 2012, ENGADGET.com, Oct 6th. 2012).

That system has made it possible for Apple, and hundreds of other transnational companies, to build devices almost as quickly as they can be dreamed up, but at the price of destruction of labour welfare and degradation of ecological environment.

On one aspect, it was stated that Foxconn has a notorious “military-style” management system, which abused workers and caused at least 17 workers attempting suicide in the first eight months of 2010, an unprecedented tragedy in the history of electronics  (Chan and Pun 2010); also Pun, Ngai, Huilin Lu, Yuhua Guo and Yuan Shen, edits., Suicides behind the Glory of Foxconn,  Commercial Press, Hong Kong, 2011, (in Chinese).

For instance, during the worker uprising at Foxconn’s Taiyuan plant in September 2012, police and guards reportedly targeted workers who tried to record the event with their mobile phones (Mozur 2012b), showing that the short circuits move in both directions and Foxconn was significantly concerned about the consequences of these circulating video “rumours”.

In May 2014, one of Apple’s most important suppliers, NXP Semiconductors, dismissed all 24 elected union officials from IndustriALL affiliate MWAP at its plant in a special economic zone in Cabuyao, Philippines. NXP claimed the union’s peaceful industrial actions were illegal. It was clear that the company’s persistent acts of intimidation and harassment were aimed at weakening the bargaining power of the union.

Similar incidents of union busting by AMD (Advanced Micro Devices), Motorola and Harris Semiconductor are well documented in Malaysia, too, with Henry Kissinger (then an inward investment advisor to the Indonesian Government) and Jack Welsh of GE and the AFL-CIO meddling the industrial actions by Malaysian labour. The stronghold by TNC monopoly capital is such that by 1995 manufacturing goods accounted for 76.7% of all Malaysia’s exports. Just two sectors accounted for 70.2% of manufactured exports with electrical and electronic goods and electrical machinery, appliances and parts accounting for 50.3%, 16.9% respectively (Source: Department of Statistics 1996). Such is the significance of semiconductors and the component electronics sector in general, and the US investments in particular, that 14 US electronics firms accounted for 21.1% of manufactured exports and employed 31.5% of the estimated 130,000 electronics employees in 1990 (Malaysian-American Electronics Industries, 1993). In 1996, eighteen US electronics companies accounted for almost ten per cent of Malaysia’s gross manufactured exports and employed 65,000 people (Malaysian American Electronics Industry, 1998).

According to local labour activists, Foxconn was once responsible for about half of all finger-related work injuries in key hospitals of Shenzhen’s factory zones in Longhua and Guanlan. To contextualize this datum, in Shenzhen and the surrounding Pearl River Delta of south China, factory workers lose or break about 40,000 fingers on the job each year.(nytimes. “In Many Chinese Factories, Loss of Fingers and Low Pay“.

Foxconn resolved many of the injury or suicide cases through extra-legal means, including several cases that was followed closely (Pun  2011; Qiu 2012). Since 2010, it has also used large number of “student interns”, including child labour, to generate more profit by evading China’s labor contract law, thus offering yet another illustration for the informalization process: formal circuits cannot be sustained for long without tapping into informal circuits, (Ngai Pun and Jenny Chan, “Global Capital, the State, and Chinese Workers: The Foxconn Experience“, Modern China, 38, number 4, 2013, pp. 383-410).

4] THE SURPLUS VALUE

Other notable aspects of the iPhone monopoly capital saga are related here. It is uniquely American. The device’s software, for instance, and its innovative marketing campaigns were largely created in the United States. Apple recently built a $500 million data center in North Carolina. Crucial semiconductors inside the iPhone 4 and 4S are manufactured in an Austin, Texas, factory by Samsung, of South Korea.

Companies like Apple are not the real manufacturers, but merely merchandisers, and through image-product branding they are able to absorb a huge share of the surplus value created by subcontractors and component manufacturers.

It is not the ordinary workers in the Global South, but the Gobal North executives  and corporate capital who are benefiting from the structural power of the  global commodity supply chains. While Apple’s iPod is made entirely overseas, but ‘52 percent of the final sale price is counted as value added in the United States and is added to U.S. GDP’ (Intan Suwandi, Value Chains: The New Economic Imperialism, p.158). The surplus value, the source of profit, entirely  comes from in the production process, and therefore originates completely outside the USA. However, the finance and administrative procedures take place in the core centre of Global North. In a capitalist society, under a capitalistic accounting method,  the ‘surplus-value’ is regarded as ‘value added’, while in Marxist terms, these activities add no value at all (Suwandi, ibid.,p.160). With all this value accruing in the imperial centre, it is the middle-class professionals ‘including the outsized “compensation” and bonuses, commissions of corporate executives – [who capture] more than two-thirds of the total wage bill associated with iPod production’ (Suwandi, op.cit.,p.158):

where China’s labour cost is only 1.6% of product sales price

Similarly, in the international garment industry, in which production takes place almost exclusively in the Global South, direct labor cost per garment is typically around 1–3 percent of the final retail price, according to senior World Bank economist Zahid Hussain. Wage costs for an embroidered logo sweatshirt produced in the Dominican Republic run at around 1.3 percent of the final retail price in the United States, while the labor cost (including the wages of floor supervisors) of a knit shirt produced in the Philippines is 1.6 percent. Labor costs in countries such as China, India, Indonesia, Vietnam, Cambodia, and Bangladesh were even considerably lower than in the above cases.  The surplus value captured from such workers is thus enormous, while being disguised by the fact that the lion’s share of so-called “value added” is attributed to activities (marketing, distribution, corporate salaries) in the wealthy importing country, removed from direct production costs.

In 2010, the Swedish retailer Hennes & Mauritz was purchasing T-shirts from subcontractors in Bangladesh, paying the workers on the order of 2–5 cents (euro) per shirt produced; (see also comparative Spice Girl’s T-shirt production cost : https://www.irishtimes.com/life-and-style/fashion/spice-girls-probe-charity-t-shirts-over-abuse-in-bangladesh-1.3766473).

Nike, a pioneer in Non-Equity Modes of International Production, outsources all of its production to subcontractors in countries such as South Korea, China, Indonesia, Thailand, and Vietnam. In 1996, a single Nike shoe consisting of fifty-two components was manufactured by subcontractors in five different countries. The entire direct labor cost for the production of a pair of Nike basketball shoes retailing for $149.50 in the United States in the late 1990s was 1 percent, or $1.50.

Wages might not be the only reason for the disparities, but other costs like inventory and how long it takes workers to finish a job-task. Whereas General Motors had to go half a decade between major automobile redesigns, by comparison, Apple has released five iPhones in four years, maybe doubling the devices’ speed and memory yet the price has remained high for the money any consumer has to pay for a product assembled by precarious labour under exploitative workplace environment.

5] MONOPOLY-CAPITAL IMPERIALISM

And in the monopoly capitalism relentless pursuit towards product perfection (acquiring rare earth resources), shrinking the supply chain (through global commodity value chain), and ultimately the standardization of components (in different outsourced manufacturing sites), Apple is scouring new technological advancement like requesting Japanese liquid-crystal-display makers like Sharp Corporation and Japan Display Inc. as well as South Korea’s LG’s Display Co. in mass producing panels for the next iPhone using so-called in-cell technology, the people said.

This new technology integrates touch sensors into the LCD, making it unnecessary to have a separate touch-screen layer. The absence of the layer, usually about half-a-millimeter thick, not only makes the whole screen thinner, but improves the quality of displayed images, said DisplaySearch analyst Hiroshi Hayase. (Jessica E. Vascellaro, Wall Street Journal, 2012).

By June 2012, Foxconn had expressed an interest, and planning, to build a factory in Indonesia. The Jakarta Globe, (June 28th. 2012), was reported to state that Indonesia Industry Minister M.S. Hidayat spoke about Foxconn’s intentions to enter Indonesia, “bringing along technology, and [needing] some 1 million workers…….and if they do so, I will give them incentives of tax holiday, tax allowance and other facilities,” he said”. The investment is estimated to be worth more than US$1 billion, the minister added. With an expression into perspective is that Apple’s iPhones and iPads now commands for nearly three-quarter of its revenue-generation, (The Star, 21st. January 2013). However, that plant in Indonesia remains in a limbo due to political snags.

Now, the iPhones are rolling off an assembly line near Sao Paulo, Brazil; the other Apple manufacturing plants, outside China, include the Czech Republic, Malaysia, Thailand, and South Korea among others. Foxconn  ramped up the Sao Paulo assembly of iPhones and iPads during late 2012 , with an initial investment of 1 billion reais (US$325 million) to anchor an industrial park producing components locally. The Itu site, situated in the sleepy tourist town in Sao Paulo stated – nicknamed “The City of Exaggeration” – remains an empty expanse of dirt where bulldozers have been leveling the land since late last year. The City Council that had donated the 100-acre of land to Foxconn, has since turned against the project. “People are really frustrated, “ said Givanildo Soares da Silva the City councilor. “We were expecting all these jobs by now and it is still just empty promises.”

Foxconn had prepared a statement indicating the facility should be operational by the end of this year, (Reuters, 13th. April 2015), bringing its Brazilian workforce to more than 10,000.

Apple’s official list of its top 200 suppliers, accounting for 97 per cent of materials and manufacturing costs, includes just two companies in Brazil: Foxconn and fellow Taiwanese electronics company Lite-On Technology Corp.

Foxconn currently have five facilities in the country that make products under contract for various technology companies, including just one unit producing Apple devices in Jundiai, about 30 miles east of Itu.

A worker testing iPhones earn about US$80 per week, just US$15 above the minimum wage, and a fourth strike in as many years was brewing again.

However, Terry Guo, the founder and chairman of Foxconn, had discussed Brazilian labor rather witheringly, “….as soon as they hear ‘soccer’, they stop working. And there’s all the dancing. It’s crazy,” he had once told the Wall Street Journal in 2010.

The steep cost of consumer goods in Brazil, along with high tariffs and interest rates, has contributed to the low productivity, too. The iPhones rolling off the assembly line in Sao Paulo carry a retail price tag of nearly US$1000 for a 32-gigabyte iPhone 5S without a contract – among the highest prices in the world and about twice what they sell in the U.S.

EPILOGUE

Terry Guo, Foxconn owner and CEO once publicly stated, “as human beings are also animals, to manage one million animals gives me a headache”. Calling workers “animals” is a candid reflection that the factory only values the bodily input of its labor force, not other aspects of its humanity, (Markoff, John. 2012. “Skilled Work, Without the workers“,  New York Times).

What such a transnational corporation does is not unlike an estate manager did in a settlement plantation during colonial administration in then Malaya.

Racist humiliation, insult, and inflicted cruelty were part of the everyday lives of the “coolies” (a deratorating term thrown at the local inhabitants), while the pale-skin estate owner sipped “stengahs” (whisky and sodas), clad in sweatstained khakis, summoning a “boy” to bring a teapot or gin bottle to the veranda at the end of another hot and humid day with the topee on his head.

Bibliography

Chan, Pun and Selden, “The Politics of Global Production: Apple, Foxconn and China’s new working class”, New Technology, Work and Employment, Volume 28, Issue 2, pp. 100-115, July 2013.
Christian Fuchs, “Digital Labor and Imperialism”, Monthly Review, Volume:67, Issue 08, January 2016.”

Foster and McChesney, “The Endless Crisis“, Monthly Review, Volume 64, issue 01, May 1, 2012.

Torkil Lauesen and Zak Cope, “Imperialism and the Transformation of Values into Prices”, Monthly Review, July 1st. 2015.

Marisol Sandoval, “Foxconned: labor as the Dark Side of the Information Age”, tripleC, 11, number 2 (2013); 318-47.

Jack L. Qiu, “Goodbye iSlave: Rethinking Labor, Capitalism, and Digital Media” ,University of Illinois Press, 2016).

Jenny Chan, “A Suicide Survivor: The Life of a Chinese Worker,” New Technology, Work and Employmen, no. 2 (2013): 84–99.

Chan, Pun, and Selden, “The Politics of Global Production”; Foster and McChesney, The Endless Crisis, 119–20, 139–40, 173.

Ngai Pun and Jenny Chan, “Global Capital, the State, and Chinese Workers: The Foxconn Experience,” Modern China, 38, no. 4 (2012): 383–410; Jack L. Qiu, “Network Labor: Beyond the Shadow of Foxconn,” in Larissa Hjorth, Jean Burgess and Ingrid Richardson, eds., Studying Mobile Media: Cultural Technologies, Mobile Communication, and the iPhone, (New York: Routledge, 2012), 173–89; Jack L. Qiu, Goodbye iSlave: Rethinking Labor, Capitalism, and Digital Media, Champaign, IL: University of Illinois Press, 2016).

Thousands of Foxconn Workers Strike Again in Chongqing for Better Wages, Benefits, China Labor Watch, October 8, 2014, http://chinalaborwatch.org

China Labor Bulletin Strike Map, available at http://strikemap.clb.org.hk

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