An initiative to restructure the MADANI model towards economic development viability

1] INTRODUCTION

In the narrative of MADANI concept and on the conversations following such a propogation, it was pointed out that two critical components in the approach on national economic development may restrict, and even retard, the pulsating economic push forward.

There has to be a dual-prong approach to ensure the maintainability and viability of the MADANI model trust and performance thrust. The primary retrograding elements that are limiting the forward push boldly lay in the  availability of sizeable financial resources in activating economic development projects and programmes, and the other is an inertia of the public service sector in assisting the implementation process effectively by its own deficient yet administrative weaknesses.

2]  DEVELOPMENT REVENUE SOURCES

At present, the  World Bank has indicated that Malaysia’s fiscal space has narrowed considerably since 2012 and has in fact became even tighter post-pandemic.  Indeed, the current fiscal consolidation strategy – via spending reduction – is, to many national economists and political analysts, (bfm.myIDEAStheedgemarketsO2 Survey) rather challenging, given the current tight spending domain.

The way out:

A) Sovereigns can borrow from within their own country or from abroad.

Domestic borrowing – from local banks and asset managers or directly from households (EPF employees’ money or PNB owners’ saved trust units) could likely be a steady and reliable source of financing. However, there is a limited amount of money available and repayment maturities tend to be short.

Not infrequently, governments also borrow from international capital markets, in larger amounts and usually at longer maturities. 

Otherwise, there is a wide and diverse range of private sector entities willing to lend to sovereigns, too. Asset managers, such as pension funds, typically hold a large amount of government debt. They need relatively safe long-term assets to match their long-term liabilities.

B) In big ticket projects, such infrastructure constructions like highway extensions or light transit transit system can be financed typically through government budgets, either from tax revenue or from government borrowings, and in past projects some had often been financed through special-purpose vehicles (SPVs) — for example, DanaInfra, which was set up to raise financing for several infrastructure projects. The debts of these SPVs are guaranteed by the government, and hence, can be considered ultimately as government debt.

Many public infrastructure projects have also been privatised, and the private investors would recover their cost of investment through collecting tolls or charges from the users. Examples of these include the toll roads, independent power producers and land-swap projects. In such cases, the government does not carry any liability for these projects unless it has given some form of revenue guarantees to these private investors. This financing model (using private-sector finance and project development expertise) is known as a public private partnership (PPP).

Not often publicised is another variant of PPP, where private investors recover their cost of investment through  payments from the government. This is generally known as a private finance initiative (PFI) which has its many odious transactions. PFI payment obligations comprise a large proportion of the PPP debt of RM$201.4 billion, which was only known, and later announced, by the preceeding government in May, 2022, (read PFI, 2022).

Inevitably, instead of borrowings that incurred interests, a progressive way is to implement a windfall tax on industries that benefit greatly, according to Khazanah Research Institute senior advisor  Professor Dr Jomo Kwame Sundaram.

This is precisely the time when you must reform taxes as you have it (windfall tax) all the time amid extraordinarily high petroleum prices or palm oil prices.” 

This view is also concurred by the Institute of Malaysian and International Studies research fellow, Dr Muhammed Abdul Khalid, who pointed out that policy-makers tend to ignore the imposition of capital gains tax when it comes to the issue of tax reform.

Even Bank Negara Malaysia (BNM) assistant governor Dr Norhana Endut noted that the government’s tax collection capacity had not kept pace with the economic growth.

Indeed, Malaysia tax to gross domestic product (GDP) ratio, has been on a steady decline over the medium term. It fell to 12% in 2019 from 15.6% in 2012.

Further, Malaysia’s individual income tax also continued to come from a narrow pool of taxpayers. For instance, in 2018, among a labour force of 15 million people, only 2.5 million were taxpayers!

There is a definite need in expanding the tax base be a priority over the medium term, besides existing tax incentives and exemptions should be reviewed on a regular basis as some of them are outdated and ineffective, affecting the beneficial economic development among the marginalized poor’s.

This is also during an era of inflationary trend. Global inflation is expected to fall to 6.6 percent in 2023 and 4.3 percent in 2024, still above pre-pandemic levels, thus socio-economic impacting heavily on the B40 rakyat².

“Malaysia, of course, benefits from having oil and gas revenues as a source of non-tax revenue, but these have tended to be quite volatile,” so said  Richard Record, one-time the World Bank Group’s lead economist for Malaysia. The country definitely needs to raise more revenue and spend it more effectively.

Present revenue collection is low mostly because rates are low and there are so many allowances and exemptions benifitting capital. Reforming the SST (Sales and Services Tax), and in particular sharply reducing the number of non-essential items that are zero-rated or exempted from.

Indeed, there should be greater effort across tax instruments: to increase the progressivity of personal income tax, re-examine the number and targeting of corporate income tax incentives and to consider new sources of revenue such as   environmental taxation  and capital gains taxation, and even a wealth tax.

The introduction of capital gains tax, raising the tax rate for those in the top individual tax bracket and imposing a tax on retirement savings above a certain threshold were among the suggestions on how to enhance revenue in the World Bank Report, 2021.

If the present Government continues to borrowing – the interest rate has to be minimal – then it has to prevent the structure of such debts from becoming too risky. This is because, at one time, we find it cheaper to borrow in US dollars or euros than in our own currency. However, this finanancial method can cause problems if the ringgit depreciates because this increases the real burden of the debt – as was clearly exemplified proportionately in the 1MDB case, and at times of a present ringgit depreciation.

D) Otherwise, it is to apply traditional methods like using Government bonds issued to finance budget deficits but with a glaring pitfall. If there is a continuous growth of debt, the private sector creditors may become concerned about the government’s initiative to repay it. Over time, these creditors will expect higher interest payments to provide a greater return for their increased perceived risk as it is widely acknowledged that higher interest costs dampen economic growth.

On the other hand, for Danaharta it uses cash to purchase loans from the domestic banking system by paying sharp discounts of as much as 50 per cent on a loan that was either collateralised by property or shares listed on the stock exchange.The consequence is too much liquidity in the matket, and the country went south can be partly identified to the solidification of financialisation capitalism (see: Southampton’s Lena Rethel  Financialisation and the Malaysian Political Economy).

The flooding of money in the market is not to generate wealth but within the circuit of financialization capitalism  components of FIREs (finance, interests, real estate) in furtherance of repaying mortgage loans, hire purchases, insurances, real estates tax dues and other debt interests.(Rajah Rasiah, 2011) has ambly demonstrated that with accentuated and expanded monetary instruments circulation, the national economy had impaired, through wide currency circulation, unfavourably:

E) Inheriting such a burgeoning debt burden, sovereign wealth fund  Khazanah Nasional Bhd could sell its assets to raise cash for the state of a nation as she is sitting on assets easily worth more than US$30.5 billion  (December 2021) that could probably raise over 10% of the government’s +RM$1.5 trillion debt and contingent liabilities.

Another financial resource lies with Petronas as it is financially in a comfortable position to pay, given that its total assets has strengthened during 2022.
On March 14, Bernama reported that Petroliam Nasional Bhd (Petronas) posted its strongest financial performance with a net profit of RM101.6 billion in the financial year ended Dec 31, 2022 (FY2022), up 100 per cent against RM50.14 Mar 2023.

• Strengthen the oil and gas (O&G) sector by enhancing the attractiveness of existing energy and petrochemical hubs, increasing and intensifying exploration in the South China Sea and offshore deepwater elsewhere in the world. The objective is to maximise output and to include a robust stockpiling policy and infrastructure for rainy days.

Malaysia’s petroleum reserves for oil and gas resources are projected to last for only 15 years, according to the Reserves Life Index calculation. However, this may be stretched to over 40 years through high capital investment, new technologies, as well as a more stable and competitive investment landscape, according to Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department Datuk Seri Azalina Othman.

• Diversify and expand the O&G sector by transforming Petronas and its subsidiaries from an O&G or oil and energy company into a global industrial conglomerate, not limited to expansion and investments into energy and renewable energy business and assets, but into renewable chemicals, petrochemicals, materials and other businesses. The term “core” business must be wider and more flexible to quickly adapt to market forces and disruptions.

F) Alternatively, government-linked companies (GLCs) and government-linked investment corporations (GLICs) would also likely be encouraged to pay higher dividends. The government could tap these state enterprises to help out just as like the recent RM$58 billion stimulus package to counter impact of the Covid-19 pandemic 2020 crisis.

G) Another definitive prospect is to spur local start-ups, government-linked companies including Khazanah Nasional Bhd and EPF in investing RM$1.5 billion for those that are innovative and have high-growth potential. This model will see a lead company (not as yet identifiable, but capital shall continue to dominate as Jomo observed in a French Embassy-sponsored forum)  that shall partially or fully take over the operation of TVET institutions and revamp training programmes so that they meet industry needs: provisio it is free from identity politics but based on Madani politico-economics mantras.

Inheriting such a burgeoning debt burden, sovereign wealth fund  Khazanah Nasional Bhd could sell its assets to raise cash for the state of a nation as she is sitting on assets easily worth more than US$30.5 billion  (December 2021) that could probably raise over 10% of the government’s +RM$1.5 trillion debt and contingent liabilities.

H) An excellent yet viable alternative foundation is the formation of a new sovereign fund to be created with Khazanah and Petronas seedings.

There are many units in Petronas that can be unlocked, restructured and new entities created to maximise the high productivity in an energy-rich supra-system. Through transformation processes or facilities, leading to improved efficiency in energy use and yield, and generating clear financial benefits, too

Many of the multiple approaches stated above need to be implemented because of the narrowing of Malaysia’s fiscal space (see right chart below):Using the ratio of the Federal Government Debt to the revenue collection as a reference point, the World Bank has indicated that Malaysia’s fiscal space has gradually narrowed since 2012, and had became even tighter post-pandemic if due developmental processes are not undertaken, (read STORM 2023, Debt financing towards progressive growth path).

3] PUBLIC SECTOR INERTIA

The second critical prong requires structural reorganisation of processes, procedures and people elements and parameters in the public service sector that has had its critical deficiencies in efficiencies and effectiveness on the delivery of socio-economic services and implementation of physical projects.

The Malaysian civil service is a patriarchal and rigid hierarchical organization, where privileged placing, positional status and accrued power are much more valued than creativity, and effective productivity whence it is considered threatening to outshine a superior at the rank of director and above. Indeed, the power-distance relationship in Malaysia is the highest in the world, (Hunter, 10/022023).

Nicos Poulantzas conceives a neo-Marxian concept of class and class processes when “places” are distinguished from class positions where “places” exist at each of the these levels of an organisational society: economic, political, and cultural levels where at the latter, social dominance regards a bumiputeras  status as the premier preference.

A) A multi-dimensional approach is a possible way to improve public service performance besides understanding – and improving – upon public-sector productivity in the country.

A methodology may assume tasks such as these:

i) gather expenditure data as a starting point in examining budget execution rates, providing a baseline assessment on productivity variations focused on programs and activities undertaken by the Ministeries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs).

ii) then, by combining this information with other data such as project completion rates and administrative data from the MDAs, possibly allowing for a more granular look into productivity variances and how drivers such as ICT and digital technology, administrative capacity, training and development, financial and non-financial incentives can influence productivity levels

iii) then, there is a wealth of administrative data on the public sector, such as on budget-execution and project-completion, that can be used to undertake a deep-dive diagnostic assessment into how productivity varies across public spheres and organizations and what might be the drivers of their activities.

iv) Then, rather than mere ministry-centric, a strategic economic development initiative should embrace the quintuple helix approach where The State mobilises five subsystems (helices), comprising:

(1) education system,

(2) economic system,

(3) natural environment,

(4) civil society, and

(5) the political system

to formulate a critical vision in not only articulating the objectives in the inter-linkages on conceptual visionalisation, but also the design and development of such vital mission objectives to implement: maintainable – yet sustainability in the long economic development haul ahead.

Hopefully, with such diagnostic assessments they shall assist in strengthening the conceptual framework around public sector productivity in Malaysia, identify areas around which future analyses and impact evaluations should focus, and highlight areas where measurement can be improved.

B)  Can productivity performance objectives be executable or even achievable?

Here are some selective country case-studies and their resultant outcomes that can be learnt from:

i. Improving administrative human-resource capacity, by ensuring that public administrations are well staffed and have the competencies and resources to meet task demands. Basri et al (2021), for example, found that tax organizations in Indonesia that invested in improving their administration capacity (at a cost of 1 per cent of revenues) saw a 128 per cent increase in revenue collected.

ii. Merit-based recruitment can ensure that public administrations are staffed with well-qualified and competent staff that are able to effectively complete their tasks, perform at a high standard and generate new innovations and ideas. Evidence from the Brazilian civil service demonstrates the effectiveness of competitive examinations at entry for screening quality applicants (Dahis et al, 2020).

iii. Improving management practices can have large impacts on public-sector productivity, as public sector managers make decisions over the allocation of resources (both physical and human) and how to incentivize and motivate staff. For example, Rasul and Rogger (2016), studying the Nigerian civil service, find that management practices in public organizations significantly influence productivity, measured in terms of project-completion rates. Recent evidence highlights the effectiveness of training, mentoring, and consulting interventions for improving the quality of management in organizations (McKenzie and Woodruff, 2020).

iv. Implementing GovTech solutions in government can help significantly reduce costs by improving information flows, such as in the case of e-procurement (Lewis-Faupel et al, 2016); and by improving monitoring systems, leading to a reduction in fund leakages, corruption and poor performance, such as in the case of e-financial management tools (Banerjee et al, 2020) and technologies for improved monitoring of teachers and healthcare workers (Duflo et al, 2012, Callen et al, 2020).

v. Financial and non-financial incentives can motivate staff to reach and maintain a high level of productivity. Financial incentives that pay for performance have been shown to be effective at raising productivity in the public administration, such in the case of tax-collection in Pakistan, where revenues increased by 50 per cent as a result of monetary incentives for collectors (Khan et al, 2016).

 4] CONCLUSION

Malaysia has been under the World Bank’s consultancy, implementation and supervision of economic development projects since 1960s, and by participating in the World Bank’s Worldwide Bureaucracy Indicators (WWBI), a global dataset on public sector employment and wages covering 132 countries, Malaysia may hope to better benchmark various aspects of her public sector against comparator economies.

Further, by combining the WWBI with, for example, data from the Worldwide Governance Indicators and the World Values Surveys, a richer picture of the correlates between public sector investments, the quality of governance, and citizens’ attitudes towards government could possibly be drawn.

Whether the country can really aim high to achieve high growth (World Bank, 2021) or merely  catching up (World Bank, 2022) is the daunting task of a capital-ethos, entrapped financialisation capitalism economy swirling in an ethnocapital-centric clientele-rentier  relationship while wallowing within a   kleptocratic capitalism  domain seeking, craving and needing to gain unsavoury monetary entitlement rather than to improve the administration of its civil service deliverance.

The constant and often, continuous, offering cash increments to civil servants without due, appropriate and quality public goods and services deliverance is more than grave and hurtful injustice to every  rakyat2.


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A conversation with the MADANI Economic Narrative

1st August 2023

PREAMBLE

The cacophony on orchestrating the Madani Economic Narrative ( MEN) is overwhelming loud, with the Malaysia Institute of Economic Research (MIER) not likely to hold the baton too soon.

The symphony of disagreements on MEN has stretched from the theological aspect within a secular society (Bakri; Tajuddin; Hunter) with an uncertain economic Islamic impact upon non-muslims (Ignatius; Ramakrishnan), to the complications of managing complexity in developmental execution (UNICEF; World Bank, 2022; and World Bank, 2019); STORM; Ramesh Chander, Murray Hunter, and Lim Teck Ghee) while trying to achieve a post-ABIM script (Mohktar).

Whether the Madani precepts alone can serve as the pillars of a grand nation-building project when a rumah in a kampung built on a capital-muddied stilted foundation likely to collapse at any time under a neoliberalism policy regime, is due for a conversation.

This is appropriate time because even an neoliberal institution – which was in the country prior to her independence as the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD precursor to the World Bank) – has once again expressed the multifaceted problems facing the economic state of a nation:

These uncomfortable situational conditions are further decimated by the MIDF Research data which maintained its forecast that Malaysia’s GDP growth will moderate at 4.2% in 2023 (2022: 8.7%), weighed down by uninspiring external trade performance as real export of goods is predicted to contract by 2.8% (2022: +11.1), reflecting weakness in regional and global demand.

The 2nd August 2023 economic brief indicated that Malaysia’s S&P Global Manufacturing PMI recorded at 47.8 in July 2023 (June 2023: 47.7), marking 11 straight months of contraction which was mainly attributable to a significant dip in new orders, as demand has consecutively paced down for the last 11 months, (theedgemalaysia 2/8/23

I] THE POVERTY PROBLEMS

The successful implementation of Madani depends on reaching of targeted area poverty alleviation objectives (TAPAO) which shall rest upon the genre of structural changes to be adopted, the availability of debt financing in economic development, the wholeheartedly adherence to sound economic developmental praxis and a faithfulness to the core MADANI implementation principles

The Madani Challenges facing this state of nation were familiar issues covering +65 years in the development of underdevelopment of a nation where poverty, inequality, and marginalisation are predominant. As late as 2015, the Malaysia poverty rate was 4.80% which is the percentage of the population living on less than US$5.50 a day, (World Bank).

This is ardently expressed by Khalid research paper at the London School of Economics and Political Science, where presented, the disparity among the Malay community – the top 1% – is very much acute then as it is likely to be accentuated:

The most important implication is that although the middle 40 per cent and the bottom 50 per cent benefited significantly from economic growth, the Bumiputera in the top income groups (the top 1 per cent and the 10 per cent) benefited the most from economic growth. In sharp contrast, the income of the Chinese in the top income groups deteriorated. In a way, the strong growth in high-income Bumiputera occurred at the cost of a decrease in Chinese and the slow growth of Indians in the top income groups; Khalid,  Income Inequality and Ethnic Cleavages in Malaysia: Evidence from Distributional National Accounts (1984-2014), World Inequality Database, working paper No. 2019/09.

The World Bank Report has this to say:

The bulk of inequality today can be explained by differences in socio-economic factors within ethnic groups rather than differences across groups. It is time to bring all Malaysians within the ambit of greater economic opportunity.

The need to update Malaysia’s inclusiveness strategies reflects both new realities and new challenges. The new reality is that poverty is no longer the key issue when thinking about inclusive growth. Poverty still exists—and pockets of poverty remain deep and concentrated—but inequality is now in the spotlight and is presenting a tremendous challenge. The other new reality is that inequality is no longer what it was four decades ago. Nowadays over 90 percent of the level of inequality is explained by differences  within ethnic groups  rather than differences between these groups. Individual socio-economic characteristics, such as activity status, sector of employment, urban versus rural stratum, and educational levels in different geographical locations are despairingly displayed.

II] REQUISITE STRUCTURAL CHANGES

This leads to the next step that demands structuring the economy for sustainable development.

To undertake this task, according to Philip Schellekens, lead author of the Malaysia Economic Monitor, (World Bank, 2010).

The dual approach in the Economic Transformation Program of combining cross-cutting policies with private sector-led projects provides an excellent platform. The proof of the pudding, however, will be in the consistent execution of policy reforms,” he said. “Also, until solid implementation of policy reforms is seen there is unlikely to be a groundswell of positive sentiment of foreign investors towards Malaysia.” (World Bank 2010, ibid).

The November 2010 issue of the Malaysia Economic Monitor offered another analysis of where Malaysia is today and where it could go tomorrow by updating its inclusiveness strategies. “Our recommendations on this highly charged topic do not come out of the blue — they are based on a detailed analytical study of the latest household income, labour force, and enterprise surveys, which the authorities have made available to our team. We are also leveraging on the experiences of other countries around the world, who have addressed or are coping with similar challenges.”

The implementation of an economic development plan requires the proficiency and professionalism of the public sector. This is where the effectiveness from the public service is under constant, and continuous, doubts.

At a time when the emoluments and the retirement charges of the public sector constitute  31.2% of the RM$372.340 million Budget 2023 announced on 7th. October, 2022 (which excludes  contingency reserves yet-to-be disclosed) in the operating expenditure which are equivalent to the 32.8% of development expenditure for socio-economic programs and projects, including subsidies and social assistance – there is more than much concern on the performance and productivity of our civil servants whom,some alluded, to performing  money-laundering.

This is heading a grueling question on total government debt and liabilities as of June 2022 which is estimated to be at RM$1.42 trillion and will rise further; indeed, it was announced on 17th. January 2023 that the national debt including liabilities has reached RM$1.5 trillion. Total debt and liabilities are already  82 per cent of GDP, (read STORM October 2022Underdevelopment of Development – consolidation of financial monopoly-capitalism).

As a share of revenue, a review done by the World Bank as far back as in 2011 has had found that Malaysia was spending about 27 percent of its revenues on salaries and wages/personal emoluments in 2009, significantly more than in some of the higher-income countries it aspires to emulate such as Canada (13.7 percent); Norway (12.5 percent); Australia (10.6 percent); and South Korea (9.6 percent).

In fact, by 2018, this percentage has increased to 34.3 percent for Malaysia, (see World Bank (2019).  Malaysia Economic Monitor: Re-energizing the Public Service).

This is an extract from the World Bank 2019 Report on the challenges Malaysia has to confront to fulfill rakyat2 expections:

Can productivity performance objectives be executable or even achievable?

The second major restructuring requisite is the generation of government revenue to implement economic development programmes whilst supporting a top heavy, and inefficient, public sector – at a time when national fiscal revenue space is narrowing:


III] FINANCING ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT

With those underlying facts, the key task is to source funds for economic development. This is well explored in (STORM 2023, Debt financing towards progressive economic path) where the nuances of the conversation are that since expenditures are already at high levels; and secondly, other operating expenditures components such as supplies and  services, and grants and transfers have been on a declining trend or are already at low levels, therefore, the  government’s current fiscal consolidation plan would have to include – besides restructuring Petronas, Khazanah and the GLCs -a higher revenue collection target that should coverage of a windfall tax on industries , according to Khazanah Research Institute senior advisor  Professor Dr Jomo Kwame Sundaram.

This is precisely the time when you must reform taxes as you have it (windfall tax) all the time amid extraordinarily high petroleum prices or palm oil prices.” 

This is concurred by Institute of Malaysian and International Studies research fellow Dr Muhammed Abdul Khalid who pointed out that policy-makers tend to ignore the imposition of capital gains tax when it comes to the issue of tax reform.

Even Bank Negara Malaysia (BNM) assistant governor Dr Norhana Endut noted that the government’s tax collection capacity had not kept pace with the economic growth, at a time when the manufacturing sector is moderating on its p erformance:

IV] PRAXIS IN ECONOMIC REJUVENATION

The economic development of a nation demands that its goal to attain high-income and developed nation status while ensuring that shared prosperity is also sustainable.

As one of the many Global South countries, Malaysia is one of the most open economies in the world with a trade to GDP ratio averaging over 130% since 2010. Openness to trade and investment has been instrumental in employment creation and income growth, with about 40% of jobs in Malaysia linked to export activities.

A government is always confronted with difficult decisions about appropriate measures under unforeseenable situations or in a crisis: what restrictions to impose and when to loosen them, where money will be spent and how it will be raised, and how to coordinate tasks between states and enable community cooperation.

These decisions have to take into account public health recommendations, economic considerations, and political constraints. Just as the policy responses varied  – from the 2007–08 Global Financial Crisis, the dotcom 2002 burst and the Asian Financial Crisis in 1997 –  so do national policy responses to the COVID-19 pandemic should differ for health, economic, and political reasons.

Play Politics

Why does the advice of independent consultants, analysts, and the academic go so often unheeded?

Political economy is about how politics affects the economy and the economy affects politics that Governments try to prime the economy before elections. However,  business cycles are also creating ebbs and flows of economic activity and the circuitry of capital distribution around elections whence economic conditions have a powerful impact on elections. Politicians would manipulate these economic parameters to woo voters to gain political advantages, and contesting capital tries to support politicians.

Where are we now?

There is a cohort of powerful interests in favour of international trade and foreign investment. The world’s transnational corporations and international banks depend on an open flow of goods and capital. These are the monopoly-capitalists and the financial capitalists. This is especially the case today, when the world’s largest companies depend on complex global supply chains. A typical transnational corporation produces parts and components in dozens of countries, assembles them in dozens more, and sells the final products everywhere. Trade tariffs create barriers with these supply chains, thus the world’s largest companies are biggest supporters of freer trade.

That is why there is a need for perpetuating the mass of special and general interests in society so that these social institutions play a major role in national policymaking. The ways in which societies organize themselves – through and by economic sector, ethnicity, and importantly at this juncture of our political awareness, the class factor, shall affect how we would like to restructure our politics.

Definitely, political institutions have to mediate the pressures constituents bring to bear on them;  even oligarch rulers have to pay attention to at least some part of public opinion. Political economists call this the “selectorate,” that portion of the population that matters to policymakers. In an authoritarian regime, this could be an economic elites or the ruling class or the armed forces. In an electoral democracy it would be voters and interest groups. No matter who matters, policymakers need rakyat2 support to stay in office.

In building an equity society with socialism as the dominant foundation, we must do all we can to develop the productive forces and gradually eliminate poverty, constantly raising the people’s living standards. Only when this outcome is achieved and there is significant prosperity for all will it become possible to begin the shift to advanced stage of an economy that is highly developed and where there is overwhelming material abundance. Only by this process that we shall be able to apply the principle of from each according to his ability, to each according to his needs.

To achieve this process, there is a need on genuine planning and genuine democracy where these are through the constitution of power from the bottom of society. It is only in this way that a progressive socioeconomic society, and its healthy and well-being domain, becomes irreversible.

Towards this process in striving the Socialism with Malaysian characteristics goal, there shall be a combination of planning and markets forming the basic socialist economic system. Second, we need to keep in mind the dialectical relation between ownership and the liberation of the productive forces that shall entail, then 

(1) the system contains a multiplicity of components, but public ownership remains the core economic driver, with corporate capitals supplementing capital formation but without undue surplus value extracted from labour; 


(2) while both state owned and private enterprises must be viable, their main objective is not profit at all costs, but social benefit that meets  ‘people-centred’ needs from appropriate shelter, education equity to community-base healthcare, harnessing modern technologies towards social needs;

(3) it employs the primary socialist principle of from each according to ability and to each according to work, limiting exploitation and wealth polarisation, and ensuring common prosperity and wealth sharing for every rakyat2  wellbeing;  


(4) the primary value should always be ‘socialist collectivism’ – gotong royong community-based than bourgeois individualism and inflicted neoliberalism ethos.

Therefore, as applied under a TAPAO approach, it would be sizing and averaging rural per capita income besides focusing on the country’s hinterlands, especially the mountainous interiors of Sarawak and Sabah.

Refining the geographical target of poverty reduction programs is a necessity. The TAPAO needs to shift from daerah² to  kampung²  including more likely
some outside the list of poverty-stricken daerah, too. Collectively, those designated kampung²  (villages) may cover
a certain high percent of the country’s rural poor. Designated villages could then apply for projects to support local production and infrastructure (including makan-pada-kerja : food-for-work programs, worker training, and agribusiness development comprising technology extension services; not to be neglected, government-linked investments in social infrastructure (schools, clinics, community and recreation centers), with a particular strong participatory community-based self-help gotong-royong approach.

V] MADANI IMPLEMENTATION PRINCIPLES

For the SCRIPT in Madani Malaysia to be successful, in term of implementation and sustainability of a progressive politico-economic developmental praxis, working-class unity has to be consolidated.

It can only be further solidified if the tenet of divisive divisions by capitalism is better understood both in theory and in practice. Hence, we argue for a comprehensive yet bold project that is based on TAPAO that goes beyond its ethos as a renewal of an socialist ideal with Malaysian characteristics in order to take full account of the struggle of the labour movement.

Within the context of Malaysia development of underdevelopment – glaringly as in the cases of northeastern states in semanjung  and the Borneo states of Sabah and Sarawak, and the many urban poors in the country as documented by the World Bank and  UNICEF, we are witnessing the relational inequality generated. This is further reproduced by labour superexploitation and relational surplus value whence labour superexploitation is the essence of capitalism as neoliberalism is imperialism, too.

For Malaysia politico-economic model to be successful, and sustainable, the core issue of contradiction between capital and labour needs to be resolved with a Madani trustful outreach.

More so, after ethnocapital has owned, controlling and dominated the Malaysia resources, it is appropriate period of a new era under an unity governance to present a new narrative on Malaysian labour working cohesively and collaboratively – at this particular junction of a historical period – with capital to a shared prosperity domain under a common wealth practice for labour, too.

For one main obvious reality of capitalism is that massive poverty across the Global South is not the result of some local insufficiency (resources or skill talent) but rather due to the functioning of neocolonialism perpertuated by liberal economic policies as neoimperialism where the ongoing effects of  dependency on financialisation capitalism need to be tamed.

The haemorrhage to present economy is the resulting outcome  of those extractive institutional forces since post-independence, accelerated by succeeding regimes in governance with odious practices, and as articulated by Prof  Kamal Hassan  in Corruption and Hypocrisy in Malay Muslim Politics while Khalid’s London School of Economics and Political Science research has pinpointed the class structure-laden beneficiaries to their enduring enterprises.

The trust between labour and capital has to be firmed up solidly in fulfillment of a Madani Malaysia – more so when 98.5% of businesses are the SMEs contributing 36% of the national GDP where labour is important as capital because it provides employment for 7.3 million people – nearly half of the country’s workforce.

EPILOGUE

In short, we need to modify, adapt, and contextualize a conversation with our preceding political-economic reform agenda, and while trying to calibrate the sequence of, and the dimensions for, economic reforms – we seek to ask the pertinent question: have we really restructured the stagnated, and a doomed, national economy, ever ?

We need to be in the threshold of a new sovereignty re-imaging a New Malaysia positioning an entity adhering a New Narrative to perform New Politics for the generasi muda.


RELATED READINGS

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TAPAO

PRAXIS

Renewal of the Socialist Ideal

Financialisation capitalism ramifications

Economic Development with sustainability

Standard

Towards structuring economic development with sustainability

Collective on Geoeconomics

28th February 2023

For a long time it seems – more than two decades – since Olin Liu’s IMF Report is there a structural approach to national economic development that is more strategic and formative in dealing with politico-economic realities faced by the nation in totality.

An analysis on a previous attempt in structural reform under a stagnated economy was explored HERE.

1] THE BUDGET 2023 will allocate RM388.1 billion for spending, of which RM289.1 billion is for operation expenditure and RM99 billion for development expenditure – once again amplifing the dire direction state of nation is heading. Only 25% in budgetary allocation is devoted to sustain developmental endeavours, whereas three-quarters of expenditure are to service day-to-day operations or for every ringgit, 75 sens go to maintain and retain the civil service sector and its pensionable remunerations.

[In the 1960-70s, nearly half of a National Budget is devoted to development purposes towards long-term returns on investment, covering widely upon education, socio-economic services and the health segments]

Whereas, nowadays, the national debts are increasing as a resultant outcome of continous high operation expenditure with consistent budget deficits since 1998:

The public sector, through the decades supporting the dastard nature of kleptocractic practices, has not met the performance criteria deemed a necessity to spur economic development, but furnished as an intermediary medium between political master and to rentier capitalism in vested projects’ implementation. Some elements have even aligned with the political kleptocrats and clientele capitalists in helping themselves in gorging unfetted gains.

Not infrequent harsh critique of an ethno-administrative regime is the poor performance of the civil service, its sluggish deliverance of public goods and services, slackness in work productivity, and widening misuse of public funds – as observed by the World Bank consultation teams:Over the years, various efforts have been undertaken to improve public sector productivity in Malaysia, but not unsurprisingly, with limited resultant outcomes. Core difficulties often lie in translating researches on public sector productivity findings into policy actions. The elements constraining effort on improving public sector performance centre on administrative human-resource incapacity, a broadbase corruptive regime with burden of privileges mentality, a lost community soul living in a society laced with serial systemic odious practices, including  money-laundering, (read icij, Panama Papers).

The Pandora Papers exposè only widen the mired state of nation politico-economic praxis wherein RM$1.8 Trillion is siphoned abroad by corrupted compradore capitalists and their clientel ethnocapital; this amount is even more than the national debt of RM$1.5 Trillion in 2022!

Singapore has one time or another has a SG$1.57 Trillion in sovereign reserve while
Norwegian Sovereign Wealth, accumulated since exploitation of North Sea oil – about the same time that Malaysia started exploration of oil and gas off South China Sea – is a stacked US$1.2 Trillion.

Thus, the country has an outsized public sector which is imperfect in its non-productiveness  (referenceWorld Bank (2019), Malaysia Economic Monitor: Re-energizing the Public Service).

All the above issues are aided and abetted by neoliberalism capital endowment in the guise of foreign advisors to dash any hope of an indigenous contribution to proper economic development but an economic growth praxis that engulfed a state of nation crises after crises with subservient subsidies mentality and those consistent provision supports that inhibit an alternative mode in uplifting the development of a country.

2. THE REVENUE for 2023 is projected to be RM$291.5 billion compared to RM$294.4 billion last year; the nearly +RM$90 billion shortfall is to be covered by debts financing and dividends from Petronas and Khazanah, plus tax base which is already too pit-bottom shallow. (The T20 segment makes up 80% of Employees’ Provident Fund (EPF) contributions; out of 16-million workers, only 2.5 millions are tax-payers).

The deferment in implementation of the capital gain tax and a wealth tax until 2025 only indicate the preference to capital interests than immediate rakyat-rakyat beneficial wellbeing. There is a definite need for reforms towards long-term fiscal sustainability if governance is committed to improving the credibility of the fiscal policy conduct and framework through more holistic reforms which should include revenue enhancement measures and subsidy rationalisation programmes  while maintaining macroeconomic stability and safeguarding the wellbeing of the rakyat.

Unfortunately, the social assistance allocation of RM$8 billion to cover the needs of 8.7 million people will amount to a paltry RM$920 per person per annum, (theedgemarkets, 27/02/2023).

Listen to Treasury Secretary General Datuk Johan Mahmood Merican on the thought process that went into drawing up the budget HERE.

3. THE ECOFOOD SECURITY issue is inadequate in tackling daily bread-and-butter problems by not prioritising the maintenance of open and operational food supply chains. Equally in importance is to address other looming threats to food security including climate change that is already damaging food production as temperatures and precipitation patterns fluctuate. Further, the wide-spread urbanisation has caused a proportionate decline in the agricultural labour force as the current cohort of farmers age and fewer young people are interested in taking their place.

Therefore, the country’s land-use practices in catering large-scale agribusiness and real-estate development are unsustainable, especially with introduction of considerable imminent deforestation, loss of biodiversity, and chemical pollution. 

Given these challenges, agricultural research and development (R&D) must be a core component of any national food security policy. Climate-focussed research is also needed to develop the various crop varieties that are tolerant against a more uncertain climate and extreme weather events. More appropriately – in any quadrilateral helix operational approach mode (with distinctive articulated strategic goals) – there is a need for a strategic reorientation in the ability to resolve present and future food scarcity by collaborating with international bodies and countries to mitigate the ecofood insecurity issue, (BowerGroupAsia, 2023).

4] THE NATIONAL DEBTS shall slow the economy growth path for many years to come; it could likely be seized upon by the oppositions ahead of state polls and could dilute the credibility of the Anwar governance, so said BowerGroupAsia senior analyst Arinah Najwa.

Further, economists do not expect the nation’s strong economic growth witnessed in 2022 to continue into 2023 as consumer pessimism weighs significantly on growth which is affected by Global North consumption patterns and the cosmopolitan centres’ inflationary trends. Indeed, many economists believe that domestic consumption will slow significantly by end-2023 due to cumulative inflationary pressure, the waning effect of the Employees Provident Fund’s special withdrawal scheme that was imposed in April 2022, and the expiry of the car sales tax exemption. This could be further impacted by the government’s potentially more restrictive spending as operational expenditures enlarged, (see the report in FitchSolution in Appendix).

5]   THE MEDIUM-TERM FISCAL FRAMEWORK

For 2023, UOB Kay Hian Research foresees gross domestic product growth halving to about 4 per cent due to a slowdown in domestic consumption in the country in alignment with IMF’s projection. Under the Medium-Term Fiscal Framework (MTFF) 2023-2025, total revenue in the medium-term is projected at RM854.3bil or 14.7% of gross domestic product (GDP), mainly contributed to non-petroleum revenue which is estimated at RM699.5bil or 12% of GDP.

The fiscal policy in 2023 will definitely need to maintain agility, supporting the growth momentum towards achieving the national development agenda. The fiscal resources have to be channelled through a more targeted approach and allocated in priority areas, particularly to enhance economic capacity and country’s competitiveness.

While the government’s budget remains expansionary to provide sufficient fiscal support in ensuring the rakyat’s well-being, the continue undertaking of premier economic reforms has to be sustained to maintain the fiscal consolidation plan. This is more vital since the Federal Government’s revenue collection in 2023 is projected to be lower at RM272.6bil or 15% of GDP due to anticipated lower non-tax revenue collection. The non-tax revenue is expected at RM$67billion, declining 23% from 2022 due to lower dividends from government entities.

6] THE SME ENTREPRENEURSHIP

A positive way is to emphasis more on the quality and multiplier effects in creating high quality jobs and building key ecosystems to help the development of local capitals and specifically SME entrepreneurship players.

The SMEs are the backbone of Malaysian economy:

The small and medium enterprises (SMEs) make up 99% of the 920,624 business establishments in Malaysia. In 2018, SMEs employed 66.2% of the workforce in Malaysia, contributing RM$522.1 billion, or 38.3%, to the Malaysian GDP. They are classified into three categories: micro, small, and medium, defined by industry, sales turnover, and the number of employees. Micro-enterprises make up 76.5% of Malaysian SMEs. In contrast, medium-sized enterprises comprise only 2.3% of SMEs.

Despite being the backbone of Malaysia’s business environment, “SMEs perform relatively poorly in digitalization. There exists a digital divide among businesses in Malaysia”, write Amos Tong, an economics undergraduate at UCLA, and Rachel Gong, a researcher at the Khazanah Research Institute in Kuala Lumpur. This owes to the fact that the larger pool of micro-SMEs entrepreneurs are marginally unskilled and too underfunded in their enterprises’ administration and daily operations; compounded that there are much to do Catching Up:
Inclusive Recovery and Growth for Lagging States
in Sabah and peninsula Malaysia which needs wider spread-effect from economic development, (World Bank, 2022).

Related to the bigger picture is the question as to in what ways can the SMEs contribute to the industrial development programme in the country.

How would the New Industrial Master Plan 2030 in the third quarter of 2023 shall emerge has a bearing on cementing the future industrial platform of a nation and what intermediary roles would the SMEs play in the commodity supply (and value) chains?

Shall we revisit the E&E sector to tap upon the peripheral benefits in the West vs China-Korea-Japan Chip War? or we might got submerged within the geopolitical trade-technology warfare?

Can we generate the next generation of New Gen armed with TVET, but without adequate polytechnic knowledge nor polycrisis management skills to confront future geoeconomic scenarios?

Owing to the diverse array of activities in SME and different genres of entrepreneurship, whatever assistance offered may not be enough to aid this vital segment of the national economy. LISTEN to Chin Chee Seong, National Secretary General of the SME Association of Malaysia on his takes.

7] THE DIGITAL FRONTIER

Shall we go boldly forth to seek new frontiers where everyone has been before but got net-meshed in a monopoly-capitalised infrastructural platform foundation?

In the Malaysia Economic Monitor, February 2023, the World Bank is rather persistence in advocating the advancement towards a digital economy.  Though while advocating Big IT development as a means of continuing capital deployment – and capital accumulation with extracted value from states – to ensure Global North infrastructural platforms Big Tech benefiting on expansive exploitation, through global labour arbitrage where underemployed labour is truly exploitated, (read  STORM, 2022Big Tech Large Gig), and STORM 2023Big Tech in Marine Cabotage where the infrastructural platforms could hold our nation to technical ransom on undersea communication cabling installation and maintenance.

Indeed, the large RM$1.5 billion IT allocation will benefit only wealthy and the well-connected companies – not our local SMEs entrepreneurs – with their huge expenditure for consultancy pservices.

It also highlights the longer term on how to rebalancing towards deregulated finance and foundational service sectors (like infrastructural platforms which are incrementally becoming invasive as techno-feudalism in country) franchised by privatisation and outsourcing to Global North monopoly-capital whereby compradore capital accumulates their capital as functioning intermediaries.

Related readings herein: Financialisation Capitalism Digital Feudal Lords

8. THE PETRONAS AND KHAZANAH FACTORS

A good prospect is to spur local start-ups, government-linked companies including Khazanah Nasional Bhd and EPF in investing RM$1.5 billion for those that are innovative and have high-growth potential. This model will see a lead company (not as yet identifiable, but capital shall continue to dominate as Jomo observed in a French Embassy-sponsored forum)  that shall partially or fully take over the operation of TVET institutions and revamp training programmes so that they meet industry needs: provisio it is free from identity politics but based on Madani politico-economics mantras.

Inheriting such a burgeoning debt burden, sovereign wealth fund  Khazanah  Nasional Bhd could sell its assets to raise cash for the state of a nation as she is sitting on assets easily worth more than US$30.5 billion  (December 2021) that could probably raise over 10% of the government’s +RM$1.5  trillion debt and contingent liabilities.

Another financial resource bulwark is with Petronas as it is financially in a comfortable position to pay, given that its total assets has strengthened to RM$699.5 billion in the first half of 2022.

Alternatively, government-linked companies (GLCs) and government-linked investment corporations (GLICs) would also likely be encouraged to pay higher dividends. The government could tap these state enterprises to help out just as like the recent RM$58 billion stimulus package to counter impact of the Covid-19 pandemic 2020 crisis. The GLCs and the crown-jewel GLICs have to be reformed to endow the national coffers.

An excellent yet viable alternative foundation is the formation of a new sovereign fund to be created with Khazanah and Petronas seedings.

The debt financing of a national economic development shall demands certain structural changes, (see Appendix B). The mere fact that much resistance to change by clientel-capitals to inhibit every rakyat-rakyat to have a share of the common wealth only befalls the stake – and sake – of a nation.

9] THE DEBT FINANCING DIMENSION

With government revenue projected to remain low and  structural expenditures still increasing high, this has led to further narrowing of Malaysia’s fiscal space (see right chart below):

Using the ratio of the Federal Government Debt to the revenue collection as a reference point, the World Bank has indicated that Malaysia’s fiscal space has gradually narrowed since 2012 and became tighter post-pandemic. 

The government also expects revenue to decline over this period, from 15 percent of GDP in 2023 to an average of 14.7 percent in 2023-2025. Overall, the fiscal deficit is expected to consolidate at a gradual pace with the overall balance averaging at 4.4 percent of GDP for the  MTFF period.

The current fiscal consolidation strategy – via spending reduction – is, to many national economists and political analysts, (bfm.my, IDEAS, O2 Survey, theedgemarkets),  rather challenging, given the current tight spending domain. Firstly, the combined spending on structural expenditures is already at high levels; and secondly, other Operating Expenditures components such as supplies and  services, and grants and transfers have been on a declining trend or are already at low levels.

Thirdly, the Unity Governance has inherited a legacy of lackadaisical administrative performances by preceding regimes who had mangled, looted, overturned legitimate-elected government, siphoned off national coffers at a time when the nation is in deep sovereign debts, weakened by commodity supply chains in a semi-deglobalised environment and with the world economy growth marginal though inflationary trend is cooling:


10] CONCLUSION

The Budget does not provide details as to how subsidy rationalisation will unfold, other than the already increased electricity tariff for large corporations. The reduction in subsidy expenditure seems to be primarily attributable to the lower oil prices (as compared to 2022). As a nation, we are on a neo-colonial dependency development mode, and always, on subsidy dependence to crawl ahead.

With neoliberalism economic policies as the preferred approach since independence , we are but without shared common prosperity nor progressive elements of developmental governance ethos or a new ideal socialist praxis  referencing an equitable distribution of social wealth. The preferred economic growth model is still undermining, and underdeveloping, the country’s economic developmental full potentialities.

In short, if development in Malaysia is to be self-directed and comprehensively inclusiveness, then traits of such a “developed society should also embrace secularisation, commercialisation, increased social mobility, increased material standard of living and increased education and literacy besides such things as the high consumption of inanimate energy, the smaller agricultural population compared to the industrial, and the widespread social network” (Syed Hussein Alatas, in a paper presented at the Symposium on the Developmental Aims 1996, pp 70-71).

There is not much leeway to manoeuvre in an inflationary-inflicted terrain, and a heavily indebted and morbid economy, but the nation has to be reformed boldly to sustain a growing developmental path that is wealth-sharing with opportunities for all.

APPENDIX A

FitchSolution Assessment

APPENDIX B

Structural Changes

APPENDIX C

Inequality and Class

The persistent question on Race and Class, Poverty and Inequality dimensions are succinctly explored HERE, with referenced links and video contents.

An extracted excerpt is expressed herein :

Post May 13, 1969, the country’s growth policies have shifted from strategies with an emphasis purely on economic growth toward a strategem focusing at combining growth with income inequality reduction between ethnic groups. This policy shift was formalized in the New Economic Policies (NEP) for the period 1971–1990 (see Economic Planning Unit, various years).

The relationship between economic growth and ethnic diversity (Agostini et al., 2010, Gören, 2014,

Iniguez-Montiel, 2014)  is supported by a body of economic literature that finds that ethnic heterogeneity induces social conflicts and violence, which in turn, affects economic growth (see Easterly and Levine, 1997Mauro, 1995Montalvo and Reynal-Querol, 2005). 

The negative consequences of ethnic diversity imply that adequate policies are required to ensure that the benefits of any economic growth are equally shared among all ethnic groups.

Unfortunately, six and a half decades plus downstream, the politico-economic mission objectives have yet to attain that vision reality. The 2022 budgetary version is just as bad as previous years’ The Budget and the Buffons:  misallocating rare resources as well as accentuating the dominance of ethnocapital over rakyat-rakyat labour. The continuance of an neoliberalism economic approach post-independence only restrains the forward thrust in engendering a truly enduring national developmental effort.


RELATED READINGS

SIRED

TAPAO

PRAXIS

Renewal of the Socialist Ideal

Financialisation capitalism ramifications

Economic Development with sustainability

Standard